Pinatubo and Arayat (3 of 3)

Rituals and Practices

The peoples in the regions around Arayat and Pinatubo considered these mountains sacred and they had various ritual and practices concerning the mountains that are known to an extent.

• Animism -- certain trees, stones, caves, streams, etc., were thought to harbor special spirits called Anito. Aduarte in 1640, for example, mentions a sacred speaking stone among the Sambals. Certain black rocks were considered to be remnants of Sinukuan's great bridge before it was demolished.

  Every valley, river, rock, outcrop, or tree in Pinatubo had a significance in Aeta lore. (Elder and Wong 1996:280)
  

• Careri states that fruit and other products of Arayat should only be eaten while on the mountain. It was taboo to carry them to the lowlands. According to Serrano, one should first ask permission before taking any fruit of the mountain:

  Apo dinan mo ku pu, ke pung mangan darening tanaman mo "Lord, please grant this to me which I would like to eat from your fruit trees."

• One should not commit acts of greed on the mountain like excessive logging (Dominador G. David, Pampangan Folklore Stories, 1917) or gold mining (Manuel Carreon, Pampangan Legends, 1917). One should not even have greed in one's heart in case you should come upon Sinukuan or his daughters, who often test people in this regard.
• The bathing pool of Sinukuan on Arayat was considered a place of healing where the sick could come and bathe to free themselves of illness.
• Both Pinatubo and Arayat, or their deities are believed to control the weather, especially when angry. Prayers are made to these mountains/deities for help during inclement weather. Hiromu Shimizu relates an incident in which Pan Bangay, a Pinatubo Ayta, made an offering to appease Apo Pinatubo. The pair had come close to the mountain and it suddenly became dark and started raining. Pan Bangay lit a straw from Shimizu's hat and uttered the following appeal:

  Pakida-ep mo Apo Pinatubo, agmo kay kik oranan
  Apo Pinatubo, kapapa-ingalo ya kik nabaha
  ang! (Grandfather Pinatubo, please smell the
  smoke. Don't expose us to the rain, have pity
  for we will get wet!)

  When Mt. Pinatubo erupted in 1991, the Ayta held a manganito seance in which they said that they were informed that Apo Namalyari was angry due to modern commercial encroachment on Pinatubo. They conducted the talbeng ritual to appease Pinatubo and to ask Apo Namalyari to bring back the forest.
• Be kind to animals, insects, plants, etc., on Arayat and do not even point at them unnecessarily for fear of angering Sinukuan. (Eugenio 1993:180)
  

Batung Maputi, the White Rock of Arayat. Legendary location of Sinukuan's palace.

Source: Ronnie Muring, http://www.panoramio.com/photo/3274534


Recurring themes

One way of reconstructing the original motifs and themes of the local legends is to ascertain which ones are found independently from at least a few sources. In practice though, it is often easy to discern when outside myths and legends are mixed into those of local origin.

Here are some of the recurring themes and motifs involving Pinatubo and Arayat:

• Power of mountains/deities to control weather, earthquakes
• Deities of mountains involved in creation of land formations
  
• Excessive logging, mining angers mountain deities
• Deities live inside their respective mountains. Sinukuan has a underground palace of gold or bronze.
• Sinukuan's daughters, usually three in number, like to interact with humans trading gold for pig's feed (darac "rice husks")
• Sinukuan was very rich with gold and generous giving away gold and magical items.
• Malyari is associated with Moon and Sinukuan with Sun. Many of their children are also associated with the heavenly bodies or locations in the sky where the Sun sets, crosses the zenith, etc.
  
• Sinukuan and Malyari are associated with a bridge to each other's mountain or to some other mountain or area.
• Marital and courtship relations existed between the gods of Pinatubo and Arayat. However, they also engage in land-altering battles.
• Both mountains have many taboos and restrictions against desecration. The sacred mountains are meant to remain in a natural and unspoiled state as much as possible.
• Anything that originates on the mountains is sacred.
• The White Rock (Batung Maputi) is the location of the entrace to Sinukuan's palace.
  
• A future eruption from Pinatubo was expected.

  There is the myth recorded by Beyer, and also a warning before the last eruption that Ayta elders gave their children that Apo Pinatubo Namalyari would awake and throw stones if they did not behave. (Rodolfo 1995:88)
  

  
  

Rainforest in southern Zambales

Source: http://keishastech.blogspot.com/2008/01/exploring-rainforest-in-subic.html


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Elder, John, and Hertha Dawn Wong. Family of Earth and Sky: Indigenous Tales of Nature from Around the World. The Concord library. Boston: Beacon Press, 1994.

Rodolfo, K. Pinatubo and politics of lahar. Eruption and Aftermath, 1991, University of the Philippines Press, 1995.

Shimizu, Hiromu. Pinatubo Aytas: Continuity and Change. Quezon City, Metro Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1989, 50.

Pinatubo and Arayat (2 of 3)

Between Heaven and Earth

The axis mundi is where sky, earth and underworld meet. That this term applied to both Pinatubo and Arayat is evident by the deities that inhabited these mountains. Malyari, the Moon on Pinatubo, and Sinukuan, the Sun on Arayat.

Sinukuan had among his children Munag Sumalâ, the Dawn, and Ugtu, the Noontime. Among Malyari's children is Sisilim, the Setting of the Sun. In one version (Eugenio 1983, 180), the daughters of Sinukuan are known as the Three Marias (Tres Marias), which is a name given to the three stars of Orion's Belt. Furthermore, Tala, the planet Venus and the Morning Star, is said to descend either from Sinukuan (Apolaqui) and the Moon (Mayari), or from the marriage of Munag Sumalâ and Manalastas, the Rooster, the son of Malyari.

Not only do these deities live on the two sacred mountains, but they are expressly said in multiple accounts to live within the mountains, i.e., in the Underworld. The golden palace of Sinukuan within Arayat, for example, is featured in many of the legends of this region. Sinukuan's palace, according to the accounts, could generally only be accessed by mortals through magical intervention.

In a myth found among the fisherfolk in Masantol, the creator deity Mangatia or Mangetchay, whose name means "net weaver," created the sky as a great net with the stars as the holes or "eyes." After finishing this cosmic net, Mangatia dropped the sewing needle to the Earth and the former became either Mt. Arayat, or Batung Maputi (White Rock). The latter is a massive white rock formation near the peak of Arayat, where many legends say the magical entrance to Sinukuan's subterranean palace is located.

I mentioned earlier in this blog, that the Kapampangans apparently had two geographical centers -- one in the North in Upper Pampanga, and one in the South in Lower Pampanga, where the trading seaports were located. The northern center was located between Pinatubo and Arayat with the latter mountain indicating the direction of the East, and the mouth of the Pampanga River, the direction of the South. From the cosmic perspective, this area between the two great luminaries -- Sun and Moon -- was the center of the world.


Battle between the Sun and Moon

The fighting between Malyari and Sinukuan is also a conflict between the Sun and Moon. The most common form of this myth takes the form of a widespread theme that extends beyond the Philippines. R. Rahmann in his work "Quarrels and Enmity between the Sun and the Moon: A Contribution to the Mythologies of the Philippines, India, and the Malay Peninsula," traces this theme from Southeast Asia to India.

The quarrel between the two orbs is usually started due to the intense heat of the Sun, often together with his progeny. After the battle, the Moon, which was once as bright or brighter than Sun, takes on a subordinate position. In many cases, this theme is combined together with the motif of a cataclysm of fire-rain or fire-water on the earth. There is also, especially in the Philippines, an accompanying land-forming theme with new formations caused by the huge boulders hurled by the combatants.

The motifs of great heat, fire, water, flying stones, and the new land formations in connection with the mountains is easy to interpret as volcanic activity -- an indication of the geographical origin of these myths.

Many of the accounts of the battle between Malyari and Sinukuan do not actually mention Pinatubo by name. Often "Mount Zambales" or a more vague reference to the Zambales mountains is mentioned instead. H. Otley Beyer recorded many of these in his unpublished Philippine Folklore, Social Customs and Beliefs Vol. IX (Pampanga), a collection of papers written by his students during the early 20th century. In many cases, the accounts are clearly mixed with other folk material. For example, the tale of Sinukuan's friends including Carguin Cargon and Supla Supling are taken from the Spanish legend of Lucifer's Ear.

Here are some of the stories of the battle between Sinukuan and his opponent from Zambales.

• Sinukuan battles with the young prince, the son of Storm God of the Sambal mountains after the latter comes courting Maya, the youngest and favorite daughter of Sinukuan. (Parker 1929)
• According to Alfredo Nicdao in 1916, Mt. Zambales was a great single mountain in former times inhabited by a friend of Suku (Sinukuan) who came one day to ask for the hand of one of Suku's daughter's in marriage. This angered Suku and the two engaged in a stone throwing battle that broke Zambales into a mountain range and flattened the top of Arayat. (Beyer, undated)
  
• Dominador G. David in 1917 tells of a giant in Zambales mountain who challenged and defeated the king of Arayat. The latter was killed and his son Sinukuan took his place, and later he eventually married the daughter of the lord of Zambales. (Beyer, undated)
  

In 1915, Beyer recorded a myth of the Ayta living in Zambales that sounds very much like a volcanic eruption of Pinatubo, but mentions neither Malyari or Sinukuan. Instead, the battle is between Algao, which may be northern name for the Sun (related to Aldo), and Bacobaco, a great sea turtle. This Bacobaco may be related to the legend of the Baconaua, usually described as a sea serpent or whale. However, Baconaua has a sister that is a great sea turtle according to most accounts. Baconaua was not the Moon but the great serpent that was said to swallow the Moon during an eclipse.

Now, in the Ayta account Algao and Bacobaco have a great battle in which the latter eventually bores into the top of Pinatubo creating a great crater and emitting great flames, huge rocks, mud, ashes, smoke and deafening noise in the process. According to the legend, Bacobaco continued to dwell in the mountain and when he comes out "woe be to us."


Ayta from the Zambales region.

Source: http://www.flickr.com/photos/josearmando/1804253902/


The body of myths surrounding Malyari and Sinukuan clearly show their dual opposition to one another. Generally speaking, Sinukuan is depicted as male although a few accounts portray him as female. Malyari seems to be portrayed more as female, at least if all the myths of the region are taken into account, but sometimes also has a male identity. Despite their periodic enmity, Sinukuan is often said to be married to Malyari's daughter, or vice a versa, and their children also court and marry one another.

Here is a general breakdown of the dual aspects of these deities and their respective mountains.

Pinatubo/Malyari
The western direction, south, female, mother, wife, daughter, hidden, gregarious, wide, sea, creation, beginning, birth, water, storm, bird

Arayat/Sinukuan
The eastern direction, north, male, father, husband, son, prominent, solitary, tall, land, destruction, ending, death, fire, earthquake, serpent/dragon

The belief in a future eruption of Mt. Pinatubo is mentioned above in the account of Algao and Bacobaco, and also in an earlier post on the myth of the battle of Aldau and Bulan. Damiana Eugenio, in her 1993 work (p. 179), relates traditions of a future return of Sinukuan:

Many barrio folks still say that some time in the future Sinukuan may come out again. Mt. Arayat used to be the home of the Colorums who waited for Sinukuan to come out of his cave and to find a new paradise on earth for them.

A colorum is a messianic group -- the name coming from a local corruption of Latin et saecula saeculorum "world without end."

(to be continued)

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Beyer, H. Otley. Philippine Folklore, Social Customs and Beliefs Vol. IX (Pampanga), unpublished and undated. Part of the Philippine Ethnographic Series that was destroyed during World War II. Carbon copies were preserved by the National Library of Australia, which subsequently copied the works on microfiche.

__ (compiler). Ethnography of the Negrito-Aeta Peoples, Manila, 1915.

Rahmann, Rudolf . “Quarrels and Enmity between the Sun and the Moon. A Contribution to the Mythologies of the Philippines, India, and the Malay Peninsula,” Folklore Studies, Vol. 14, 1955 (1955), pp. 202-214.

Myths and Legends of Pinatubo and Arayat

The oral traditions involving the mountains Pinatubo and Arayat are quite vast, and I want to give an outline of some of these along with a bit of analysis. However, given that many of the works that might discuss these mountains and their traditions are buried in extensive archives that are not well-indexed, this will be an on-going process.

The earliest explicit mention of name "Arayat" and its main deity "Sinukuan" that I have been able to uncover is the travel diary of Gemelli Careri in 1696:

In Pampanga, and right on the mountain called Bondo [Bondoc], or Kalaya [Alaya], being a league and a half high (which was previously under the rule of Sinoquan and Mingan) are plantains, betels, and other fruits. They say they may eat these fruits on the spot, but if anyone carries them down they either fall down dead, or become lame. Perhaps the Devil (by God's permission) causes such strange accidents, to keep those people in paganism; but the Indians themselves also play their part for they are famous sorcerers and are said often to convert themselves into crocodiles, wild boars, and other forms.

The Bondo and Kalaya come from "Bondok Alaya" or "Mount Alaya," the original name of Arayat. Sinoquan is obviously Apung Sinukuan, who is portrayed here as a ruler of Arayat along with Mingan, a name that in most traditions is that of Sinukuan's wife, but occasionally occurs also as the name of one of his daughters.

As for Sinukuan's opposite -- Apo na Malyari (Apung Mallari) and Mt. Pinatubo -- the earliest reference I have found so far comes from a manuscript titled "Relation of the Zambals" by Domingo Perez in 1680. Malyari is mentioned primarily in reference to the sacrifices made by the Bayoc, the Sambal high priest, and Pinatubo ("Pinatuba") is noted for its rock slides during the rainy season (Blair and Robertson 1903).

These accounts are rather brief and do not provide detailed information. For example, no connection is made between the god Malyari and Pinatubo.


Modern ethnography

We begin to learn more about the myths and legends of these mountains when a renaissance in learning about indigenous culture occurred among the leaders of the Propaganda Movement and the Philippine Revolution starting around the 1880s. These studies intensified after American colonization among both American and Filipino scholars.

During this time, we learn that Sinukuan was also known by other names: Aldo "Sun," and Apolaqui "Lord Male," or possibly "Lord Grandfather." The myths suggest that knowledge of Sinukuan was more widely spread than the areas of Pampanga and nearby Zambales.

For example, Apolaqui was also known throughout most of Luzon where he is variously called Apolaki, Apolake, etc., often in myths that resemble that of the battle of the Sun and Moon, or Aldo and Bulan, that is associated with Arayat and Pinatubo.

• Diego Aduarte in 1640 mentions Apolaqui as a war god in Pangasinan.
• The Bolinao Manuscript mentions the Sambal priestess Bolindauan in 1684 who has Apolaqui as her Anito (personal deity).
• Dean Fansler in 1921 writes of a legend told to him by Leopoldo Layug of Guagua that tells of the battle between the brother Apolaqui, the Sun, and his sister, Mayari (Malyari), the Moon.
• F. Landa Jocano, much later in 1969 relates a similar tale to that mentioned by Fansler among the Tagalogs involving Apolake and Mayari, who again are the personifications of the Sun and Moon.
• In 1918, A. L. Kroeber records that Apolaki is considered a mountain monster in Bikol, the southernmost part of Luzon, and that the term is also used as a name for God among Christians in Pangasinan and Ilocos, the northern areas of Luzon.

From these examples, we can see that the myths of Apolaqui and Mayari were linked with the spirits of the Sun and Moon. A similar legend from Pampanga tells of the supreme deity Mangetchay (Mangatai) who is said to live in the Sun while his wife dwells in the Moon, and his daughter lived on Venus, the Morning Star (Eugenio 1993, 64).

Where these myths of the Sun and Moon are not explicitly linked with Arayat and Pinatubo respectively, we can still surmise the connection. For example, the goddess Malyari, the personification of the Moon, has a name that relates to the local Pinatubo Ayta and Sambal people. "Malyari" is also a native Kapampangan word that Bergano derives from the word yari "cosa acabada, perfeccionada ['something finished, perfected']" and gives three alternate forms: malyari, milyari and malalyari.

That Malyari is the deity of Pinatubo is agreed upon by the Ayta, Sambal and Kapampangans. The Pinatubo Ayta call this deity Apo Namalyari (Apo na Malyari) or Apo Pinatubo (Schebesta 1959).

Naturally, the Sun would be located to the east of Pinatubo in Bondoc Alaya, which literally means "Mountain of the East."


The crater lake of Pinatubo with Arayat rising up above the clouds about 26 miles to the east.
Source: http://tonetcarlo.wordpress.com/2008/01/12/mount-pinatubo-zambales/


Geological connection of Pinatubo and Arayat

Mythology gives Arayat and the Zambales mountain range a common origin as noted by Cornélis De Witt Willcox writing in 1912:

According to the native legend, this mountain [Arayat] used to form part of the Zambales range. It became, however, by reason of its quarrelsome disposition, so objectionable to its neighbors of this range, that they finally resolved no longer to endure its cantankerousness and accordingly banished it to its present position in the plain of Central Luzon, where it would have no neighbors to annoy, and where it has stood ever since, rising solitary from the surrounding plain.

The idea of Arayat belonging at one time, before separating, to another (unnamed) mountain range is also mentioned in the story that Don Pedro Serrano heard from an octogenarian informant in 1889. It was from these and similar legends that the likely latter ideas of Arayat separating from Candaba or Tapang, Nueva Ecija. That the Zambales origin tale was the original one is too obvious from the actual geology of Arayat.

According to the leading theory, Arayat is a back arc of the same mountain range that includes the Zambales Mountains. And this fact would be fairly obvious to keen observers as a note by Richard von Drasche in 1876 demonstrates:

If one were to draw a line from Monte Pinatubo to the isolated mountain of Arayat in the plain, one would notice that all the rivers north of this line flow in a northeasterly direction, while all those south of it flow in a southeasterly direction toward Rio Grande de la Pampanga. This circumstance may be observed particularly plainly from the top of the Arayat, where I first noticed this slope of the plain in both directions, increasing toward Monte Pinatubo. East of Monte Arayat this circumstance disappears entirely.

The connection between the two mountains was alluded to in the idea of a cloud bridge mentioned in Luther Parker's Sinukuan tales published in 1929. This cloud bridge was likely the origin of other bridges that are said to have been built from Arayat to Dayat, Candaba, Makiling and elsewhere. These bridges likely arose from the perception of a ridge, alluded to above, existing between Pinatubo and Arayat -- a formation that probably also gave birth to the latter legends of a tunnel connection between Arayat, Makiling and Banahaw mountains.


(to be continued)

Sincerely,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Blair, Emma Helen, James Alexander Robertson, and Edward Gaylord Bourne. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803: Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century. Cleveland, Ohio: A.H. Clark Co, 1903, 296, 302-4.

Drasche, Richard von. "The volcanic region around Manila," Proceedings of the Royal Geological Service, 1876.

Eugenio, Damiana L. Philippine Folk Literature: The Myths, University of the Philippines Press, 1993.

Careri, Gemelli Giovanni Francesco. Giro del mondo del dottor D. Gio: Francesco Gemelli Careri. T[omo] qu[a]r[t]a contenente le c[ose] più regguardevoli vedute nella Cina. In Napoli: Nella stamperia di Giuseppe Roselli, 1708, 137-8.

Parker, Luther . “Daughters of Sinukuan,” Philippine Magazine 1929, Vol. 26, no. 1, 535, 694, 750.

Schebesta, Paul. Die Negrito Asiens. Wien-Mödling: St.-Gabriel-Verlag, 1952.

Serrano, Don Pedro and Edilberto V. Santos (translator). "El Fabuloso Suku," Singsing vol. 5, no. 1, 23.

Willcox, Cornélis De Witt. The Head Hunters of Northern Luzon. Kansas City, [Mo.]: Franklin Hudson Publishing Co, 1912.

Pinatubo-Arayat: Impact on Philippine culture/history since World War II

The mountains of Pinatubo and Arayat and the area between the two peaks have played an important part in Philippine culture and history since World War II.

The folklore of the two mountains was brought to light in print probably for the first time by writers like Isabelo de los Reyes who wrote El Folklore Filipino in 1887.

Pinatubo had been the constant focus of worship among the native Pinatubo Ayta up until today although these indigenous traditions have been fading since the volcano's eruption. One of the most important Ayta rites to Apo Namalyari (Apung Mallari), the deity of Pinatubo, is the "curing ritual" focused on bringing good health to the community.

Ayta guides thought usually perform a variety of rituals when taking visitors to the mountain including the annual "March for Peace and Tranquility" held on Nov. 30 to commemorate Pinatubo's eruption.

Kapampangan folklore involving Pinatubo and Arayat has come to the fore over the last century influencing many cults from both inside and outside Pampanga province. One of the most well-known sects revering Mt. Arayat are the Rizalistas, a group of organizations that worship national hero Dr. Jose Rizal as a divine being.

A female healer who claimed to be an incarnation of Mariang Sinukuan, a Tagalog take on the local Arayat deity, started an annual ritual in the 1940s honoring the national hero at the foot of the mountain every December.

Guerrilla bases

Both Pinatubo and Arayat are famed as bases for guerrilla fighters during different phases of Philippine history.

During World War II, Mount Pinatubo was the headquarters and one of the primary staging grounds for guerrilla operations during the Japanese occupation. The third president of the Philippine Republic, Ramon Magsaysay, was one of those guerrillas operating out of Pinatubo and later he named his presidential plane "Mt. Pinatubo." It was this plane that later crashed near Cebu killing the president.

Arayat was also used by guerrillas during World War II, and after the war became the main staging ground for the communist Hukbalahap movement led by Luis Taruc. Later, the New People's Army would use both Pinatubo and Arayat as bases of operation.

The tradition, in fact, goes even earlier for Felipe Salvador led a messianic movement against American colonizers with his headquarters on Mount Arayat during and after the Philippine Revolution.

Kamikaze shrines

The area between Pinatubo and Arayat was the location of the American strategic Clark airfield (later Clark Air Force Base), which was also used by the Japanese during World War II. It was from Clark Field and the linked Mabalacat airfield that the first Kamikaze missions of the war originated.

Today, two shrines exist in memory of the Kamikaze that are the focus of regular pilgrimages by Japanese tourists. One in the Lily Hill area of Clark consists of a statue of Kannon, the Japanese Goddess of Peace. Kannon is a variant of the Chinese boddhisattva goddess Kuanyin.


The 15 ft. high Goddess of Peace Shrine (Kannon) at Lily Hill, Clark Field in Pampanga, Philipines donated by Japanese Buddhists.


At Mabalacat, a tori and a statue of a Kamikaze pilot mark the spot of the first Kamikaze airfield, which been the site of ceremonies involving Japanese visitors hoping for world peace, but at the same time memorializing the suicide pilots.

Mabalacat Kamikaze Memorial


Quezon and Arayat

Manuel Quezon, the first Commonwealth president of the Philippines, took a liking to Mount Arayat and established an estate there.

He busily worked to convert Arayat into a tourist area, and he eventually declared an area at the foot of the mountain a national park.

Since the 1992 eruption, Pinatubo has also become a tourist destination. In addition to trekkers, health tourists come to Pinatubo for spa treatments. One well-known Korean-owned spa offers sulfur baths using Pinatubo ash as part of their treatment.


Volcanic ash treatment at Pinatubo spa

Maybe most interestingly, the Clark Field region between Pinatubo and Arayat is part of a plan to form a new constitution in the country. Current President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo formed consultative groups to look into the possibility of the Philippines becoming a parliamentary system.

Dr. Jose Abueva, the head of the group tasked with writing the new constitution, offered a plan in 2006 for a federal republic that would transfer the national capital to Clark Field renaming the site "New Manila."

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Clay, Myths and uses of (Glossary)

Clay -- composed of fine, hydrated minerals that are cohesive in nature -- plays an important role in myths and traditional healing systems around the world.

Often the first humans are said to have been formed with clay. The Sumerians had such myths, as did the Aztecs, the Dyaks of Borneo and many other peoples. The clay most often used is red or reddish-brown, the color of which in many myths is attributed to tempering with divine blood (see Oppenheimer, 366-7).

Interestingly, modern science suggests that life, not just humans, may have formed in early volcanic clay. Researchers found that methanol — naturally produced when volcanic carbon dioxide combines with volcanic hydrogen gas — is protected from volcanic heat between layers of certain common clays.

Shielded by the clay, methanol reacts with a clay mineral called montmorillonite to create far more complex organic molecules with up to 20 carbons. For more info, see:

Secrets of Life Found in Volcanic Clay?
http://dsc.discovery.com/news/briefs/20051031/clay_geo.html

The living powers of clay may link also with its use in traditional forms of medicine.

Geophagy

Geophagy refers to the consumption of clay or soil for healing purposes, which was very widespread, and in some cases to the use of clay as a condiment or emergency food as in the Philippines, New Guinea, Costa Rica, Guatemala and the Amazon and Orinoco basins of South America.

An amazingly widespread practice was for pregnant women to consume clay during various terms or through the entire pregnancy. Clays like kaolin and montmorillonite have properties that can help with morning sickness. Kaolin, for example, is used in the popular preparation Kaopectate.

It may also be that there is some ancient link between the myths of creation of humans from clay and the use of the substance during pregnancy, the formation of humans in the womb. In an old Bisayan myth, Saman and a daughter of Sicalac were forced to eat yellow clay after traveling to the East, which results in their descendents having a yellow color.

The perceived healing powers of clay found in many cultures is not without scientific merit.

Clay is used today widely as an alternative medicine, and also by orthodox medicine in some cases. Clays like montmorillonite (bentonite) and hydrated sodium calcium aluminosilicate (smectite) are utilized, for example, to detoxify mycotoxins from animal feed.

Naturopathic practictioners also use clay in humans to protect against mycotoxins, heavy metal poisoning and to generally cleanse the body through their absorbent properties. Volcanic clays are particurlarly important because of their wide spectrum of mineral content.

Volcanic clay has a residual negative charge that binds to positive ions, which are toxic to humans.

Mycotoxins are produced by fungi and are heat-stable, thus resistant to practices like cooking. These toxins generally build up in grains and grain-based animal feeds. Mycotoxins from feed will pass into the meat, milk, eggs, etc. of animals that consume the contaminated foodstuffs.

As mycotoxins are very potent carcinogens have have toxic effect particularly on the liver, kidneys and immume system, many researchers now believe they are one of the most important health risks found in the present-day food system.

The European Union has approved clays like Clinoptilolite as binding agents for animal feeds. Although such use of clay binders is not approved by the U.S. FDA, the practice is still becoming increasingly popular in the United States.

Clay jars and the "water of life"

We have explored in this blog, the use of simple, earthenware jars as water, tea or wine pots. In some cases, these rather uncomely jars became exceptionally valuable, sought after by kings and merchants.

The porous earthenware jar allows water to evaporate on its surface. If water is left in such jars for some time container will eventually empty -- the source of "drinking jar" tales.

Evaporation allows the jar to dissipate heat, and thus these vessels are widely known for their "breathing" qualities and their ability to cool drinking water.

Many clays used for such pots contain organic matter and microrganisms, and eventually these water pots become infested with lichens and microrganism colonies, which generally are non-pathogenic, and even beneficial to humans. The jar becomes a living entity to the ancient mind.

If made with certain quantities of volcanic clays (other than kaolinite), the jar becomes badly deformed over time because these clays expand as they absorb moisture.

Such volcanic clays would help purify the water of toxins, and might also mineralize the water through dissolution.

Through these various processes, the water kept in these pots could be easily be recognized as having superior qualities, and indeed that is the case in many cultures.

Living clay from the Magnetic Mountains

Volcanoes tend to abound in natural magnets generated and scattered by an eruption. People living near the mountains could recognize this link and the concept of the magnetic mountain is born.

The magnetic force can be seen as a form of animistic life energy by the pre-modern mind, and thus also anything associated with the volcano including the native clays.

In Borneo, the clays of the Sun and Moon were used to create some of the local sacred jars. The reference here is, I believe, to the original ancient mountains of the Sun and Moon, respectively Arayat and Pinatubo.



Water jar monument from Calamba, Philippines

In legend, these two mountains battle with each other hurling stones through the sky. Science shows that there may be something to these myths. The great Holocene eruptions of Pinatubo show signs of a "mixing" of basaltic stones from the Arayat formation and dacites from Pinatubo. This mixing actually takes place in underground chambers between the two mountains and results in a hybrid ash and pumice. Thus, the eruption of Pinatubo also involves, in a way, Arayat.

This hybrid ash eventually weathers into the volcanic clays around the mountain, a mixture of the elements from the solar and lunar mountains.

Water kept in jars made with this clay, which can be seen as related to the clay used to form the first humans according to mythology, is infused with the same essence as the primordial clay becoming the "water of life."

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Callahan GN. Eating dirt. Emerg Infect Dis [serial online] 2003 Aug [date cited]. Available from: URL: http://www.cdc.gov/ncidod/EID/vol9no8/03-0033.htm


Galvano F, Piva A, Ritieni A and Galvano G. "Dietary strategies to counteract the effects of mycotoxins: a review," Food Prot. 2001 Jan;64(1):120-31.

Phillips TD. "Dietary clay in the chemoprevention of aflatoxin-induced disease," Toxicol Sci. 1999 Dec;52(2 Suppl):118-26.

Phillips TD, Sarr AB and Grant PG. "Selective chemisorption and detoxification of aflatoxins by phyllosilicate clay," Nat Toxins. 1995;3(4):204-13.

Tala (Glossary)

Tala is the name for the Morning Star, the planet Venus, in various languages of the Philippines.

In Kapampangan myth, Tala descends to earth sent by his grandfather the Sun to save the world from the great flood. He is born in human form and brings the gift of rice agriculture among other things.

Venus coming to earth as a human savior is rather a common theme. In Irian Jaya to the south, Papuan nationalists emblazon the Morning Star on their flag based on a local legend of the descent of Tala as bringer of good.

Dissecting the Kapampangan myth, I have suggested that Tala is associated with a epoch-making volcanic eruption involving the two peaks Pinatubo and Arayat. After this eruption, there is a political change in which one clan network emerges as victorious over another.

Probably due to the eruption itself, and the resulting clan warfare, both clans are dispersed broadly throughout the Nusantao maritime trade network. This dispersion actually acts in their favor and they gain control over vast reaches of this network. Both groups constantly fight over control over important trading routes and their conflict is coded in the mythology of this region and beyond.

Of these clan networks, one establishes itself in the region dominated by the sacred volcanoes. In doing so, it actually displaces the former ruling clan network, which becomes its main adversary.

That clans of the sacred mountain trace the descent of their priest-king lineage to Tala, the culture-bearing prince associated with the Morning Star and whose totemic symbol is the dog.

The idea of the celestial descent of a dog or dog-man is preserved near by in the Tinguian myth of Kimat, the lightning dog, who is sent by the Supreme sky god Kadlakan. Lightning is a common symbol of the descent of heavenly bodies to earth.

Tala may have been the name for a local Nusantao trading prince who helped transmit the knowledge of rice agriculture over vast expanses of the trade network. Whatver the case he is credited with bringing rice culture to the local area.

In many regional mythologies, we find the theme of a dog coming at the time of a great flood bringing knowledge of rice farming.

As the Nusantao greatly expanded their network geographically around this time (4th millennium BCE), I have suggested that these motifs spread also into other cultures.

For example, the dog is associated with Venus in many cultures spread from ancient Egypt to ancient Mesoamerica.

Furthermore the dog is closely linked with royal lineage in most of the same cultures. In Egypt, J. Griffiths suggests that the word anpu from which we get the name of the dog-god Anubis, means both "dog" and "king's son."

During the Pyramid Era, the king was said to have the body of Atum and the face of Anubis. When the king died and united with Ra, the sun god, he was said to take Anubis/Anpu with him on his neck.

In biblical literature, the Morning Star symbolizes both the princes Lucifer, expelled from heaven, and the Messiah.

Among the Dayak, the god-ancestor Mahatala may be related in some sense to Tala of Kapampangan myth. Mahatala actually refers in this case to the hornbill creator god who unites with the female watersnake, Jata. The union of the bird and dragon clans.

Tala is rather the son of the male rooster and the female dawn serpent.

Jata is linked with the Mountain of Gold, while Mahatala with the Mountain of Diamonds.

In comparison, Manalastas, the father of Tala, comes from the Mountain of the Moon, Pinatubo, while Munag Sumalâ, Tala's mother, hails from Arayat, the mount of her father, the sun god Apung Sinukuan.

Dayaks believe that Mahatala created the Sun and Moon from clay, the same clay later used to fashion sacred Dayak jars.

Alternatively, among the Ngaju of Borneo, Mahatala represents the Sun and the sacred spear, while Jata is the Moon and the sacred cloth.

After the union of the two, Mahatala is enthroned on the primeval mountain which is supported on the back of Jata. In the Kapampangan version, Tala, the prince arising from the union of dragon and bird clans, takes the throne over the holy mountains which rest on the back of the great dragon Apung Iru.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

The Dueling Dual Volcanoes

The following translation of a Kapampangan legend by Michael Panglinan will help us unravel the socio-political situation of the Nusantao that developed. I have added a few translations of notes.


"The history of the Kapampangan opened with the great war in heaven. They were siblings (I don't know if they are brothers or brothers and sisters...but they were siblings) Aldau (the Sun) and Bulan (the Moon) were fighting for control of the earth.

From the heavens they descended on the banks of the great river, from which they pulled out two bamboo poles each. In the ensuing battle, Aldau, the sun had struck the light out of one of Bulan's eyes and its brightness dimmed. Aldau was victorious and Bulan surrendered. Magnanimous, Aldau lifted his capatad up and divided his rule between himself and Bulan. He even let Bulan sit on the throne first. Thus Bulan ruled by bengi (night) and Aldau ruled by aldau (day).

They settled on the two sacred mountains of the great river bank plains. On earth, Aldau chose as his abode Alaya, the center, the navel of the world. Thus the words 'paralaya' meaning going towards Alaya, the home, the base, the navel, and 'padauba' which means to go away from the center, or to go down to the flatlands. Paralaya also came to mean east since it is the abode of the sun.

On earth, Aldau came to be called by man as Apung Sukû meaning antiquity or even summit or zenith. Bulan, on the one hand settled on the source of eight rivers, Pinatubu, from which man derived its food and livelihood as the rivers became not only a source of fish, but was also the watering hole of game and fowl.

Man favoured Bulan with the name Apung Mallari, to whom all things were possible. He was said to be more approachable than the distant Apung Sukû.

Apung Sukû, the Sun, had for his children: Munag Sumalâ (Dawn) who was betrothed to Manalastas (the rooster), Abac, Ugtu (known also as Lakandanup who devoured shadows at noon), and Gatpanapun (the prince who knows only pleasure).

Apung Mallari had two daughters. The most beautiful was Sisilim (sunset) who was devoted to her uncle Apung Sukû by welcoming him in the western skies with songs of the cicadas at sunset. The other daughter was Kapitangan.

All things went well with their reign over man on earth till the rains came. The rains did not stop. The eight Rivers of Pinatubu overflowed. Man's possesssion were washed away and the fowls, game and fish went to seek calmer waters or went deep into the mountains. Man hungered. Man despaired. Finally man called upon Apung Sukû for help.

Apung Sukû then sent his grandson Tala (the planet Venus), son of the red serpent Munag Sumalâ and the bird Manalastas, to be born as a man.

Deep in the forest of Mount Alaya, an old manalaksan (wood cutter) went to the pool of Sapang Tacûi to quench his thirst. There in the middle of the pool, a tucal flower blossomed. in the midst of it was a healthy baby crying. The old manalaksan took pity and took the child to his old wife mangkukuran (potter). There the child began to speak and walk. The couple bowed low to the ground and paid homage to the god child.

Soon the child grew up to become a strong bayani. Riding on his friend Damulag, the guardian against the storm, Tala descended the mountain chewing on a sugarcane. On the slopes of the mountain he fell in love with a woman called Mingan. Together they made love. As they did so, Tala took some of his seeds and placed them in Mingan's hand. "Plant them on the flooded ground," he said. Mingan was doubtful at first since nothing grew on the flooded soil save for lumut or algae.

Immediately after Mingan planted the sacred seeds, a curious green looking plant sprouted from the ground. These were the first palai, rice plants. Tala showed her how to cook nasi, from the unhusked seeds of the palai plant. Soon Mingan's tribe was able to conquer all the flooded plains and convert them to fertile rice fields. Tala went back to the sky.

Soon, man forgot about the goodness of Apung Mallari before the floods. They endlessly praised Apung Sukû for sending them his grandson Tala. In anger and jealousy, Apung Mallari threw a huge boulder to the perfect summit of Apung Sukû's abode, Bunduc Alaya. The earth trembled. But worse was Apung Sukû's anger at the insult. From that day on, Apung Mallari was cursed. He was to be called as Punsalang (the source of enmity, the enemy).

Apung Sukû took all the huge boulders of the great river bank plains and threw them all at Bunduk Pinatubu. Apung Mallari, now Punsalang, saw his abode crumble. Seeing her father lose miserably, Sisilim decided to stop her uncle the sun but she too was struck and she fell dead. Seeing this, Punsalang shouted in anguish and surrendered to his brother Apung Sukû. From then on, Apung Sukû was Apung Sinukuan (to whom everyone surrendered)."

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento