In the Philippines and neighboring regions, the use of magnets by indigenous shamans and doctors for healing and occult purposes is very widespread in both "Westernized" and "tribal" culture.
It's difficult to determine the age of this practice. There is evidence of the use of magnets for healing purposes in ancient Chinese, Egyptian and other texts. And the words for "magnet" and "magnetic compass" in Southeast Asia tend to be indigenous ones.
From Austronesia, comes a term often linked with ancient ideas of magnetism. The Polynesian word mana is used in anthropological literature to describe a type of non-personal, unconscious energy that can be found in all objects.
Scholars have long recognized the similiarity of mana with early European concepts of "animal magnetism" and "personal magnetism."
Mana has several aspects that resemble electricity and magnetic energy. It is raw energy without personality that can be found in all things.
However, mana is especially linked with place i.e. geographic location, and thus the Earth. The concept of the energy of the earth reminds us of geomagnetic energy especially when we consider some other aspects of the term.
Like electromagnetic fields, mana radiates from a place, person or object. As one approaches a powerful source, the mana can be detected as becoming stronger the closer one comes to the destination.
Too much mana can be harmful, and to escape excessive radiation one distances oneself from the source.
Like electricity, mana can flow from one object to another. And this flow can also be manipulated by various means, either increasing or decreasing the quantity.
And mana, like magnetism, has the power of attraction. Places or persons with great mana attract other persons and objects.
In the Philippines, the term for magnetism, balani means "to attract, to charm." The term "charm" here also refers strongly to magical practices meant to attract others.
Indigenous healers in this region use a form of "laying on of the hands" in which the healer's hands act as healing instruments as if charged with a mysterious magnetic energy.
Following the advent of magnetic philosophy in Europe with the works of William Gilbert, the idea of magnetic healing also came into vogue in among Europeans.
Paracelsus mentions a practice of this type in Magnale. F. A. Mesmer developed the theory of animal magnetism in the late 1700s suggesting the existence of "magnetic fluids" in all living creatures.
Concepts of mana existing in varying quantities in different locations also has some similarity to practices of geomancy, or terrestrial "astrology."
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Adam Crabtree: Animal magnetism, early hypnosis, and psychical research, 1771-1925. An annotated bibliography. White Plains, N.Y., Kraus International Publications
Kaplan, F. Dickens and Mesmerism: The Hidden Springs of Fiction, Princeton University Press, 1975.
Saturday, April 29, 2006
Tuesday, April 25, 2006
More on Lapita skeletons from Efate
More information on the headless "Lapita" skeletons found in Vanuatu. The reports come from the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Congress in Manila.
I don't know why they use the term "Polynesian" as the site is too early and located in Melanesian areas.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
---
http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/312/5772/360a
INDO-PACIFIC PREHISTORY ASSOCIATION CONGRESS, 20-26 MARCH 2006, MANILA
Little is known about the Lapita peoples, the first settlers of the Western Pacific, other than their ubiquitous calling card: red pottery fragments with intricate designs. But in what's being hailed as one of the most dramatic finds in years, researchers at the meeting offered a glimpse of the first-known early Lapita cemetery. "This is the closest we're going to get to the first Polynesians," says archaeologist Matthew Spriggs of Australia National University (ANU) in Canberra, a member of the excavation team.
The graves on Efate, in the Vanuatu Islands, are estimated to be 3000 years old. That's around the time that the Lapita peoples began hopscotching across the Pacific from New Guinea's Bismarck Archipelago, fanning out as far as Samoa and Tonga. The site reveals unknown facets of their burial customs, and DNA from the bones may offer clues to their origins. "The find has opened a new window on the Lapita people as a biological population as well as an archaeological culture," says Lapita expert Parick Kirch of the University of California, Berkeley.
Since the first Lapita shards came to light a half-century ago, more than 200 sites have been found, but skeletal remains are very rare. Then just before Christmas in 2003, workers quarrying soil for a prawn farm came across a chunk of pottery with a complex pattern. They showed it to a field worker with the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, Salkon Yona, who luckily had just been trained in Lapita identification. Yona consulted ANU archaeologist Stuart Bedford, who in a second stroke of luck was on the island for a wedding. Bedford confirmed the shard as early Lapita, skipped the wedding ("my friends understood," he insists), and scrambled to protect the site, near Teouma Bay.
But the biggest surprise came when the team, led by Bedford, Spriggs, and Ralph Regenvanu of the Vanuatu National Museum, began excavating bones. Because so few Lapita burials had been found, the researchers assumed these were recent graves until paleoanatomy expert Hallie Buckley o f the University of Otago in New Zealand confirmed the remains were Lapita. Everywhere they dug, it seemed, was a skeleton. "It blew us away," says Bedford. In two seasons, they excavated 25 graves containing three dozen individuals.
All skeletons were headless, a feature of other Pacific cultures. In some graves, cone shell rings were placed in lieu of the skulls, indicating that the graves were reopened after burial and the heads ceremonially removed, Bedford says. (The rings are 3000 years old, according to radiocarbon dating.) The heads were reburied. In one grave, three skulls (see photo, above) were lined up on the chest of a male skeleton, whose grave the bulldozers missed by centimeters. His bones bear scars of advanced arthritis. "He must have been in a lot of pain and was clearly looked after," says Spriggs.
The pots too are revelatory. Some are burial jars, by far the oldest in the region. The inner rim of one features four clay birds peering into the vessel. The vessels are similar in form to early "red-slip" pottery found in Taiwan and islands of Southeast Asia, bolstering the argument that Lapita peoples at least tarried in this region on their eastward migration. An article on Teouma is in press in Antiquity.
After excavations this summer, the team hopes to extract DNA from bones to compare with modern populations. In the meantime, Teouma has become the pride of Vanuatu, which has featured its Lapita heritage in a set of postage stamps.
I don't know why they use the term "Polynesian" as the site is too early and located in Melanesian areas.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
---
http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/312/5772/360a
INDO-PACIFIC PREHISTORY ASSOCIATION CONGRESS, 20-26 MARCH 2006, MANILA
Little is known about the Lapita peoples, the first settlers of the Western Pacific, other than their ubiquitous calling card: red pottery fragments with intricate designs. But in what's being hailed as one of the most dramatic finds in years, researchers at the meeting offered a glimpse of the first-known early Lapita cemetery. "This is the closest we're going to get to the first Polynesians," says archaeologist Matthew Spriggs of Australia National University (ANU) in Canberra, a member of the excavation team.
The graves on Efate, in the Vanuatu Islands, are estimated to be 3000 years old. That's around the time that the Lapita peoples began hopscotching across the Pacific from New Guinea's Bismarck Archipelago, fanning out as far as Samoa and Tonga. The site reveals unknown facets of their burial customs, and DNA from the bones may offer clues to their origins. "The find has opened a new window on the Lapita people as a biological population as well as an archaeological culture," says Lapita expert Parick Kirch of the University of California, Berkeley.
Since the first Lapita shards came to light a half-century ago, more than 200 sites have been found, but skeletal remains are very rare. Then just before Christmas in 2003, workers quarrying soil for a prawn farm came across a chunk of pottery with a complex pattern. They showed it to a field worker with the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, Salkon Yona, who luckily had just been trained in Lapita identification. Yona consulted ANU archaeologist Stuart Bedford, who in a second stroke of luck was on the island for a wedding. Bedford confirmed the shard as early Lapita, skipped the wedding ("my friends understood," he insists), and scrambled to protect the site, near Teouma Bay.
But the biggest surprise came when the team, led by Bedford, Spriggs, and Ralph Regenvanu of the Vanuatu National Museum, began excavating bones. Because so few Lapita burials had been found, the researchers assumed these were recent graves until paleoanatomy expert Hallie Buckley o f the University of Otago in New Zealand confirmed the remains were Lapita. Everywhere they dug, it seemed, was a skeleton. "It blew us away," says Bedford. In two seasons, they excavated 25 graves containing three dozen individuals.
All skeletons were headless, a feature of other Pacific cultures. In some graves, cone shell rings were placed in lieu of the skulls, indicating that the graves were reopened after burial and the heads ceremonially removed, Bedford says. (The rings are 3000 years old, according to radiocarbon dating.) The heads were reburied. In one grave, three skulls (see photo, above) were lined up on the chest of a male skeleton, whose grave the bulldozers missed by centimeters. His bones bear scars of advanced arthritis. "He must have been in a lot of pain and was clearly looked after," says Spriggs.
The pots too are revelatory. Some are burial jars, by far the oldest in the region. The inner rim of one features four clay birds peering into the vessel. The vessels are similar in form to early "red-slip" pottery found in Taiwan and islands of Southeast Asia, bolstering the argument that Lapita peoples at least tarried in this region on their eastward migration. An article on Teouma is in press in Antiquity.
After excavations this summer, the team hopes to extract DNA from bones to compare with modern populations. In the meantime, Teouma has become the pride of Vanuatu, which has featured its Lapita heritage in a set of postage stamps.
Sunday, April 16, 2006
Easter Island statue heads home
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2006-04-13-statue_x.htm?csp=34
Easter Island statue heads home
This Moai was taken from Easter Island in 1929 and taken to Chile before eventually finding its way to the Netherlands. The Moais, crafted between 400 and 1,000 years ago, represent deceased sacred ancestors of the Rapanui.
BUENOS AIRES, Argentina (AP) � The huge stone head is framed by a wooden crate that casts shadows across its vacant eyes and elongated nose. After an odyssey of more than 80 years, the sculpture is set for what should be its final journey � home to Easter Island.
The 7-foot Moai, carved from compressed volcanic ash and decked in a red-rock headdress called a Pukau, is one of almost 900 ancestral statues crafted centuries ago on the remote Pacific island, annexed by Chile in 1888.
It was taken from the island in 1929 and spent some 40 years in the Chilean capital of Santiago before traveling to Argentina and making a quick round-trip visit to the Netherlands.
"Today is the end of a long exile for this Moai," Chilean Ambassador Luis Maira said at a ceremony Tuesday in Buenos Aires. "Today it is being returned to the place where it belongs, where the people are affectionately waiting for it."
Chilean artist Rosa Velasco, the statue's current owner, said that by returning the Moai she hopes to help preserve part of the cultural heritage of the Rapanui islanders, the natives of Easter Island.
Click here for rest of story
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
http://sambali.blogspot.com/
Easter Island statue heads home
This Moai was taken from Easter Island in 1929 and taken to Chile before eventually finding its way to the Netherlands. The Moais, crafted between 400 and 1,000 years ago, represent deceased sacred ancestors of the Rapanui.
BUENOS AIRES, Argentina (AP) � The huge stone head is framed by a wooden crate that casts shadows across its vacant eyes and elongated nose. After an odyssey of more than 80 years, the sculpture is set for what should be its final journey � home to Easter Island.
The 7-foot Moai, carved from compressed volcanic ash and decked in a red-rock headdress called a Pukau, is one of almost 900 ancestral statues crafted centuries ago on the remote Pacific island, annexed by Chile in 1888.
It was taken from the island in 1929 and spent some 40 years in the Chilean capital of Santiago before traveling to Argentina and making a quick round-trip visit to the Netherlands.
"Today is the end of a long exile for this Moai," Chilean Ambassador Luis Maira said at a ceremony Tuesday in Buenos Aires. "Today it is being returned to the place where it belongs, where the people are affectionately waiting for it."
Chilean artist Rosa Velasco, the statue's current owner, said that by returning the Moai she hopes to help preserve part of the cultural heritage of the Rapanui islanders, the natives of Easter Island.
Click here for rest of story
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
http://sambali.blogspot.com/
Wednesday, April 12, 2006
Volcano Mythology in Asia Pacific Region (Glossary)
That the people living in the "Ring of Fire" in Asia and the Pacific region should hold volcanoes in awe should come as no surprise.
From Mt. Kilauea in the far eastern Pacific to Mt. Fuji in Japan and southwest to Mt. Agung in Bali, the volcano has been held in reverence since time immemorial.
Nicholas Tapp and Michel Strickmann have mentioned the prevalance in Southeast Asia and South China of beliefs in underground networks of "grotto-worlds." Each world was linked to a particular sacred mountain beneath which it resided, and each was connected to other grotto-worlds by a labyrinth of underworld tunnels.
Descriptions of the grotto-worlds conveyed visions of an otherworldly paradise, and it was thought that hidden passages often linked with caves and caverns allowed humans to travel to this underground network.
Such belief also existed in early northern China but faded during the Han period. The grotto-worlds were associated with sacred mountains like Mt. Tai and Mt. Fengdu, the sources of sacred rivers.
In such mythology, the underworld "city" resembles a large fortress or castle with all people living in a large connected structure.
Journeying to the grotto-worlds by the living was almost universally described as extremely challenging and dangerous requiring the crossing of many obstacles.
Sacred caves
In many areas of Southeast Asia and the Pacific, caves associated with sacred mountains had special significance. Burial in certain prominent caves was considered an honor and ships passing by such locations visible from the sea would stop in reverence of the sacred place.
When Mt. Pinatubo erupted in the Philippines, many of the local Ayta residents retreated into sacred caves on that mountain. They were buried alive by lahar, most reduced to ashes. Some believe that these people thought they would be protected in the caves by the presiding deity of Pinatubo, the Creator God of the Ayta. However, it is still a mystery as to what belief system compelled them to stay in the caves despite the danger. One could say that they did know what would eventually happen to them.
Numerous belief systems in this region describe sacred caves and the rivers said to flow within them as leading to the Underworld, the land of the dead.
Such caves are visited by shamans and other healers who hope to become empowered by the spirits that dwell in the caverns and in the mountain itself.
Dualism
Volcanic eruptions with their seeming convulsions of fire and water have naturally been interpreted in a dual way by peoples with a dual worldview.
One of the best examples of this in Austronesia comes in the legends of the goddess Pele in Hawai`i.
Hawaiians believed that humans had a kino ahi or fire body that would emerge if a dead person was thrown into a fire pit for burial. In such cases, the person would go on to join the Pele family in the afterlife.
Pele herself was said to change at will into a towering flame, and the fires near an erupting volcano's crater were often described as goddess herself dancing the hula.
In opposition to Pele was Kamapua`a, the pig-human demigod. While Pele represented fire and lava, Kamapua`a was associated with the sea and rain.
When the two met in battle/marriage, new land was formed as the waters of Kamapua`a cooled the glowing hot lava of Pele into new terra firma. The union of opposites thus resulting in new creation.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Pukui, Mary Kawena & Elbert, Samuel H. Hawaiian Dictionary : Hawaiian-English, English-Hawaiian, University of Hawai?i Press, 1986.
Strickmann, Michel. "The Tao among the Yao: Taoism and the Sinification of South China," in: Rekishi ni okeru minshu to bunka- Sakai Tadao sensei koki jukuga kiben ronshu, Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1982, pp. 23-30.
Tapp, Nicholas. "Hmong Religion," Asian Folklore Studies 48, 1989, 59-94.
From Mt. Kilauea in the far eastern Pacific to Mt. Fuji in Japan and southwest to Mt. Agung in Bali, the volcano has been held in reverence since time immemorial.
Nicholas Tapp and Michel Strickmann have mentioned the prevalance in Southeast Asia and South China of beliefs in underground networks of "grotto-worlds." Each world was linked to a particular sacred mountain beneath which it resided, and each was connected to other grotto-worlds by a labyrinth of underworld tunnels.
Descriptions of the grotto-worlds conveyed visions of an otherworldly paradise, and it was thought that hidden passages often linked with caves and caverns allowed humans to travel to this underground network.
Such belief also existed in early northern China but faded during the Han period. The grotto-worlds were associated with sacred mountains like Mt. Tai and Mt. Fengdu, the sources of sacred rivers.
In such mythology, the underworld "city" resembles a large fortress or castle with all people living in a large connected structure.
Journeying to the grotto-worlds by the living was almost universally described as extremely challenging and dangerous requiring the crossing of many obstacles.
Sacred caves
In many areas of Southeast Asia and the Pacific, caves associated with sacred mountains had special significance. Burial in certain prominent caves was considered an honor and ships passing by such locations visible from the sea would stop in reverence of the sacred place.
When Mt. Pinatubo erupted in the Philippines, many of the local Ayta residents retreated into sacred caves on that mountain. They were buried alive by lahar, most reduced to ashes. Some believe that these people thought they would be protected in the caves by the presiding deity of Pinatubo, the Creator God of the Ayta. However, it is still a mystery as to what belief system compelled them to stay in the caves despite the danger. One could say that they did know what would eventually happen to them.
Numerous belief systems in this region describe sacred caves and the rivers said to flow within them as leading to the Underworld, the land of the dead.
Such caves are visited by shamans and other healers who hope to become empowered by the spirits that dwell in the caverns and in the mountain itself.
Dualism
Volcanic eruptions with their seeming convulsions of fire and water have naturally been interpreted in a dual way by peoples with a dual worldview.
One of the best examples of this in Austronesia comes in the legends of the goddess Pele in Hawai`i.
Hawaiians believed that humans had a kino ahi or fire body that would emerge if a dead person was thrown into a fire pit for burial. In such cases, the person would go on to join the Pele family in the afterlife.
Pele herself was said to change at will into a towering flame, and the fires near an erupting volcano's crater were often described as goddess herself dancing the hula.
In opposition to Pele was Kamapua`a, the pig-human demigod. While Pele represented fire and lava, Kamapua`a was associated with the sea and rain.
When the two met in battle/marriage, new land was formed as the waters of Kamapua`a cooled the glowing hot lava of Pele into new terra firma. The union of opposites thus resulting in new creation.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Pukui, Mary Kawena & Elbert, Samuel H. Hawaiian Dictionary : Hawaiian-English, English-Hawaiian, University of Hawai?i Press, 1986.
Strickmann, Michel. "The Tao among the Yao: Taoism and the Sinification of South China," in: Rekishi ni okeru minshu to bunka- Sakai Tadao sensei koki jukuga kiben ronshu, Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1982, pp. 23-30.
Tapp, Nicholas. "Hmong Religion," Asian Folklore Studies 48, 1989, 59-94.
Tuesday, April 11, 2006
Scientists release new studies on Nam Bo region’s history (News)
Nam Bo is in southern Vietnam.
In ancient times, what is now Vietnam was divided between the Austro-Asiatic-speaking Viets of the north, the Austronesian speaking hill peoples of Central Vietnam, and in the South the Austro-Asiatic Khmer and Austronesian Cham speakers.
Eventually after the northern kingdoms freed themselves from Chinese domination they were able to incorporate the southern areas into their empire.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
http://vietnamnews.vnagency.com.vn/showarticle.php?num=01SOC110406
Scientists release new studies on Nam Bo region’s history
(11-04-2006)
HCM City — Initial results of scientific investigations and research into the history of the Nam Bo (southern Viet Nam) region during the period between the 17th century and the late 19th century were released by Viet Nam Historical Sciences Society, Viet Nam Social Sciences Institute, and the Ministry of Science and Technology.
Twenty seven reports and supporting research materials written by more than 40 scientists and historians about the historical period were released, including work on archaeology, paleoan-thropology, history, ethnology, cultural studies, geology, ecology, and environment studies.
According to Professor Phan Huy Le, president of Viet Nam Historical Sciences Society, research ers explored the history of the southern region through the many layers of culture left by its inhabitants starting in the prehistoric period.
This interpretation is in line with the common point of view of world historians, Le added.
Over the last few decades, Vietnamese archaeologists have carried out excavations nation-wide, uncovering many interesting discoveries.
According to the released reports, Viet Nam’s ancient history is not only Dong Son Culture with the establishment of Van Lang State (7th-6th B.C.) and Au Lac State (earlier 3rd B.C.) but also includes Sa Huynh-Champa Culture with the formation of the Lam Ap State (Ancient Champa Kingdom) (1st B.C.) and Oc Eo Culture with the Phu Nam Kingdom (1st-7th A.D.).
The initial investigations and research covers changes in the natural environment, migration, administrative management system of Nguyen Lords (1558-1777) in the Cuu Long (Mekong) delta region, economic development, and international legal agreements which confirm Viet Nam’s sovereignty to the land.
The research revealed a history of the work, cultural, and spiritual elements of Vietnamese lives.
Historical documents and international legal agreements are a firm foundation to confirm that the Nam Bo Region is part of Viet Nam’s territory and ethnic groups living in the land are part of a united Vietnamese nation. — VNS
In ancient times, what is now Vietnam was divided between the Austro-Asiatic-speaking Viets of the north, the Austronesian speaking hill peoples of Central Vietnam, and in the South the Austro-Asiatic Khmer and Austronesian Cham speakers.
Eventually after the northern kingdoms freed themselves from Chinese domination they were able to incorporate the southern areas into their empire.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
http://vietnamnews.vnagency.com.vn/showarticle.php?num=01SOC110406
Scientists release new studies on Nam Bo region’s history
(11-04-2006)
HCM City — Initial results of scientific investigations and research into the history of the Nam Bo (southern Viet Nam) region during the period between the 17th century and the late 19th century were released by Viet Nam Historical Sciences Society, Viet Nam Social Sciences Institute, and the Ministry of Science and Technology.
Twenty seven reports and supporting research materials written by more than 40 scientists and historians about the historical period were released, including work on archaeology, paleoan-thropology, history, ethnology, cultural studies, geology, ecology, and environment studies.
According to Professor Phan Huy Le, president of Viet Nam Historical Sciences Society, research ers explored the history of the southern region through the many layers of culture left by its inhabitants starting in the prehistoric period.
This interpretation is in line with the common point of view of world historians, Le added.
Over the last few decades, Vietnamese archaeologists have carried out excavations nation-wide, uncovering many interesting discoveries.
According to the released reports, Viet Nam’s ancient history is not only Dong Son Culture with the establishment of Van Lang State (7th-6th B.C.) and Au Lac State (earlier 3rd B.C.) but also includes Sa Huynh-Champa Culture with the formation of the Lam Ap State (Ancient Champa Kingdom) (1st B.C.) and Oc Eo Culture with the Phu Nam Kingdom (1st-7th A.D.).
The initial investigations and research covers changes in the natural environment, migration, administrative management system of Nguyen Lords (1558-1777) in the Cuu Long (Mekong) delta region, economic development, and international legal agreements which confirm Viet Nam’s sovereignty to the land.
The research revealed a history of the work, cultural, and spiritual elements of Vietnamese lives.
Historical documents and international legal agreements are a firm foundation to confirm that the Nam Bo Region is part of Viet Nam’s territory and ethnic groups living in the land are part of a united Vietnamese nation. — VNS
Monday, April 10, 2006
Superb drilling technology at ancient Chinese city
One stone drill bit found at the Anhui site was only .15 millimeters wide about the same as a strand of hair.
Northern Anhui was part of the Shang dynasty kingdom.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
Artifacts in Ancient Chinese City Reveal Superb Technology
Superb drilling technology and the world's earliest stone drill bits were found at site
Epoch Times Staff
Apr 01, 2006
[IMAGE] A worker looks over an excavation site. (Frederic J. Brown/AFP/Getty Images)
In Lingjiatan, Hanshan County of Anhui Province in China, archaeologists have discovered a primitive tribal site that was inhabited 5,000 years ago. Superb drilling technology and the world's earliest stone drill bits were found at the site. Archaeology professor Zhang Jingguo said there are still many mysteries in the Lingjiatan ruins waiting to be solved.
The Lingjiatan ruins are located in Lingjiatan Village, Tongzha Township of Hanshan County in Chaohu City, Anhui Province, covering about 1.5 million square meters. Archaeologists say the 5,000 year old city was probably a prosperous city with developed construction, animal husbandry and handicrafts. Prior to the discovery of the Lingjiatan ruins, the oldest city in China acknowledged by archaeologists was in Dantu Village in Wulian County at Rizhao City, Shandong Province, which was built more than 4,000 years ago.
Read rest of story here.
Northern Anhui was part of the Shang dynasty kingdom.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
Artifacts in Ancient Chinese City Reveal Superb Technology
Superb drilling technology and the world's earliest stone drill bits were found at site
Epoch Times Staff
Apr 01, 2006
[IMAGE] A worker looks over an excavation site. (Frederic J. Brown/AFP/Getty Images)
In Lingjiatan, Hanshan County of Anhui Province in China, archaeologists have discovered a primitive tribal site that was inhabited 5,000 years ago. Superb drilling technology and the world's earliest stone drill bits were found at the site. Archaeology professor Zhang Jingguo said there are still many mysteries in the Lingjiatan ruins waiting to be solved.
The Lingjiatan ruins are located in Lingjiatan Village, Tongzha Township of Hanshan County in Chaohu City, Anhui Province, covering about 1.5 million square meters. Archaeologists say the 5,000 year old city was probably a prosperous city with developed construction, animal husbandry and handicrafts. Prior to the discovery of the Lingjiatan ruins, the oldest city in China acknowledged by archaeologists was in Dantu Village in Wulian County at Rizhao City, Shandong Province, which was built more than 4,000 years ago.
Read rest of story here.
Sunday, April 09, 2006
Yosihiko Sinoto devoted to discovery (News)
The article below on the great archaeologist Yosihiko Sinoto, who studied Tahitian culture, has some nice photos of artifacts including traditional fish-hooks and stone tools.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
Devoted to making discoveries
By Mary Kaye Ritz
Advertiser staff writer
Yosihiko Sinoto, 81, senior anthropologist at the Bishop Museum, displays trays of fishhooks, which have helped date other archaeological finds in eastern Polynesia.
Photos by DEBORAH BOOKER | The Honolulu Advertiser
Deep in the bowels of the Bishop Museum, through the Great Hall where a royal canoe and lifesize whale hang overhead, past a courtyard and down a musty corridor lined with lockers filled with artifacts and meticulously labeled boxes filled with his life's work, you can find Yosihiko Sinoto, the man considered the archaeological equivalent of a demigod by many of our Pacific neighbors.
"If he ran for president in French Polynesia, he'd probably get elected," says Bill Brown, head of the Bishop Museum."
Find the rest of the article here.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
Devoted to making discoveries
By Mary Kaye Ritz
Advertiser staff writer
Yosihiko Sinoto, 81, senior anthropologist at the Bishop Museum, displays trays of fishhooks, which have helped date other archaeological finds in eastern Polynesia.
Photos by DEBORAH BOOKER | The Honolulu Advertiser
Deep in the bowels of the Bishop Museum, through the Great Hall where a royal canoe and lifesize whale hang overhead, past a courtyard and down a musty corridor lined with lockers filled with artifacts and meticulously labeled boxes filled with his life's work, you can find Yosihiko Sinoto, the man considered the archaeological equivalent of a demigod by many of our Pacific neighbors.
"If he ran for president in French Polynesia, he'd probably get elected," says Bill Brown, head of the Bishop Museum."
Find the rest of the article here.
Saturday, April 08, 2006
Ancient bronze artifacts, bell found at Lopburi, Thailand
Ancient Artifacts Unearthed in Lopburi
http://www.thaisnews.com/news_detail.php?newsid=168657
Ancient artifacts, never before discovered in Thailand, have been found in Ban Pong Manao Archaeology, Pattananikom District of Lopburi Province. The artifacts have been unearthed by students of the Archaeology Faculty of Silpakorn University.
144 bachelor and master degrees students of the Archaeology Faculty of Silpakorn University have discovered two old artifacts in Ban Pong Manao Archaeology, Pattananikom District of Lopburi Province. The artifacts are a bronze cowbell and a curved blade. In addition, a bronze bracelet with a strange pattern, a small bell with animal’s fang, axe, bone marbles, and human skeletons have also been discovered at the site. A small dwelling has been located, and the area, presumably, was once lived by animals during the ancient period.
The sighting took place while students were excavating in a nearby village, and they then located many ancient artifacts scattered around the area. It is in line with the history of Lopburi ancient city, which was once the route to Kab Champa ancient city, the area with rich resources such as steel, bronze, cement and stones.
The province of Lopburi will develop the area into an archaeological center and also build a museum, to promote tourism in the future.
---
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
http://www.thaisnews.com/news_detail.php?newsid=168657
Ancient artifacts, never before discovered in Thailand, have been found in Ban Pong Manao Archaeology, Pattananikom District of Lopburi Province. The artifacts have been unearthed by students of the Archaeology Faculty of Silpakorn University.
144 bachelor and master degrees students of the Archaeology Faculty of Silpakorn University have discovered two old artifacts in Ban Pong Manao Archaeology, Pattananikom District of Lopburi Province. The artifacts are a bronze cowbell and a curved blade. In addition, a bronze bracelet with a strange pattern, a small bell with animal’s fang, axe, bone marbles, and human skeletons have also been discovered at the site. A small dwelling has been located, and the area, presumably, was once lived by animals during the ancient period.
The sighting took place while students were excavating in a nearby village, and they then located many ancient artifacts scattered around the area. It is in line with the history of Lopburi ancient city, which was once the route to Kab Champa ancient city, the area with rich resources such as steel, bronze, cement and stones.
The province of Lopburi will develop the area into an archaeological center and also build a museum, to promote tourism in the future.
---
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
Thursday, April 06, 2006
Ancient pottery found on Vietnam's maritime "silk road" (News)
The article below discusses artifacts taken from wrecks found on the "silk road of the sea" off coastal Vietnam probably better described as the "Spice Route."
Most of the pieces found were Thai porcelain from the 15th century. This was at a time when Ming China was sealing itself off in terms of foreign trade.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
http://english.vietnamnet.vn/features/2006/04/557719/
Tales of treasure and the deep
16:32' 06/04/2006 (GMT+7)
VietNamNet – 1,000 antiques, selected from thousands of ancient pieces reclaimed from 10 wrecks off Vietnam, will be on display at the Ba Ria - Vung Tau Sea Festival 2006.
The ‘Treasure under sea’ exhibition will be accompanied by stories associated with the 1,000 pieces, tales of the sea and its mysteries.
Some years ago, a group divers in southern island Phu Quoc picked up rare antiques from a wreck. They secretly hid the pieces from authorities, concealing them under bushes. Unfortunately, the heritages disappeared from their hiding place, and suspecting each other, the divers tried to take legal action against each other.
Thus, authorities came to know the secrets of the turquoise depths and the treasures the wreck has kept.
According to archaeologists from the Vietnam Archaeology Institute, the wreck, Hon Dam, was first discovered by Kien Giang fishers in 1975, but none of them recognized its horde as treasure. In May 1991, the wreck was reclaimed, and more than 10,000 pieces, mostly Thai Sawankhalok pottery from the 15th century were recovered.
From late 1989, Ho Chi Minh City antiques collectors were roused by information about fishermen in Long Hai Province who had found a wreck off Vung Tau. Tales said the boats hold was full of treasure, a trove of antiques.
The following year, HCM City collectors were trading a number of antiques - mostly pottery – salvaged from the wreck.
Another wreck was found soon after. It was a reclamation undertaken by the Visal Life-Boat Company, and Sweden’s Hallstrom Holdings Oceanic in September 1990. This was the first reclamation of a wreck undertaken in Vietnam. An estimated 270,000 pieces were claimed from the wreck, including Chinese pottery products of the Khang Hy Dynasty (1662-1772). In 1992, 2,800 antiques from it were auctioned in Holland; fetching US$6,7mill for the sellers.
During the 1990 effort, many local fishermen illegally dived the wreck to pick up antiques. One of the men revealed to his family that at least six wrecks were still unplundered off the Vung Tau coast, next to Hon Ba Island. He told his wife to keep the locations a secret, only to be told to their children. Instead, the woman blabbed it all to her brother, who in turn spilled the beans far and wide.
In 1993, the Ba Ria – Vung Tau Museum and Visal continued to explore wrecks around the Hon Ba area. Around 570 ancient Vietnamese pottery items from the 19th century were found. The pottery products were believed to be traditional products of Southern peoples, closely resembling items used by local fisher families.
The “noisiest” case was that of the Hoi An Ship Back, a wreck found off Cu Lao Cham, Quang Nam Province. The Hoi An Ship Back was found and exploited by antiques collectors and local divers in 1990. But it wasn’t until 1997 that authorities and scientists got wind of it.
Dr. Pham Quoc Quan, Director of Vietnam Museum of History remembered that the vessel was 70m underwater, buffered by a current. Organizers spend US$6mill to raise the wreck, but were rewarded with a 240,000-item haul. Scientists also found the remains of 11 people, including the bones of a woman and a boy.
Another wreck, Ca Mau, was found by fishermen from Phan Thiet, central Binh Thuan province. The vessel was easily raised and items collected. It was a Chinese ship carrying nearly 2,000 antiques, mostly dating from 1723-1735. Some of the items were burnt, leading to suspicion that Ca Mau was sunk by fire.
Information from the many thousands of antiques reclaimed from 10 wrecks off Vietnam’s coastline, gives scientists evidence for the supposition that the Vietnamese sea was part of the “silk road” centuries ago, a trade connection between Asia and the West.
According to experts, trade exchange developed during the 10th and 11th centuries, when a number of commercial ports and commercial firms were established, opening the busy silk road of the sea.
(Source: Tuoi Tre)
Most of the pieces found were Thai porcelain from the 15th century. This was at a time when Ming China was sealing itself off in terms of foreign trade.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
http://english.vietnamnet.vn/features/2006/04/557719/
Tales of treasure and the deep
16:32' 06/04/2006 (GMT+7)
VietNamNet – 1,000 antiques, selected from thousands of ancient pieces reclaimed from 10 wrecks off Vietnam, will be on display at the Ba Ria - Vung Tau Sea Festival 2006.
The ‘Treasure under sea’ exhibition will be accompanied by stories associated with the 1,000 pieces, tales of the sea and its mysteries.
Some years ago, a group divers in southern island Phu Quoc picked up rare antiques from a wreck. They secretly hid the pieces from authorities, concealing them under bushes. Unfortunately, the heritages disappeared from their hiding place, and suspecting each other, the divers tried to take legal action against each other.
Thus, authorities came to know the secrets of the turquoise depths and the treasures the wreck has kept.
According to archaeologists from the Vietnam Archaeology Institute, the wreck, Hon Dam, was first discovered by Kien Giang fishers in 1975, but none of them recognized its horde as treasure. In May 1991, the wreck was reclaimed, and more than 10,000 pieces, mostly Thai Sawankhalok pottery from the 15th century were recovered.
From late 1989, Ho Chi Minh City antiques collectors were roused by information about fishermen in Long Hai Province who had found a wreck off Vung Tau. Tales said the boats hold was full of treasure, a trove of antiques.
The following year, HCM City collectors were trading a number of antiques - mostly pottery – salvaged from the wreck.
Another wreck was found soon after. It was a reclamation undertaken by the Visal Life-Boat Company, and Sweden’s Hallstrom Holdings Oceanic in September 1990. This was the first reclamation of a wreck undertaken in Vietnam. An estimated 270,000 pieces were claimed from the wreck, including Chinese pottery products of the Khang Hy Dynasty (1662-1772). In 1992, 2,800 antiques from it were auctioned in Holland; fetching US$6,7mill for the sellers.
During the 1990 effort, many local fishermen illegally dived the wreck to pick up antiques. One of the men revealed to his family that at least six wrecks were still unplundered off the Vung Tau coast, next to Hon Ba Island. He told his wife to keep the locations a secret, only to be told to their children. Instead, the woman blabbed it all to her brother, who in turn spilled the beans far and wide.
In 1993, the Ba Ria – Vung Tau Museum and Visal continued to explore wrecks around the Hon Ba area. Around 570 ancient Vietnamese pottery items from the 19th century were found. The pottery products were believed to be traditional products of Southern peoples, closely resembling items used by local fisher families.
The “noisiest” case was that of the Hoi An Ship Back, a wreck found off Cu Lao Cham, Quang Nam Province. The Hoi An Ship Back was found and exploited by antiques collectors and local divers in 1990. But it wasn’t until 1997 that authorities and scientists got wind of it.
Dr. Pham Quoc Quan, Director of Vietnam Museum of History remembered that the vessel was 70m underwater, buffered by a current. Organizers spend US$6mill to raise the wreck, but were rewarded with a 240,000-item haul. Scientists also found the remains of 11 people, including the bones of a woman and a boy.
Another wreck, Ca Mau, was found by fishermen from Phan Thiet, central Binh Thuan province. The vessel was easily raised and items collected. It was a Chinese ship carrying nearly 2,000 antiques, mostly dating from 1723-1735. Some of the items were burnt, leading to suspicion that Ca Mau was sunk by fire.
Information from the many thousands of antiques reclaimed from 10 wrecks off Vietnam’s coastline, gives scientists evidence for the supposition that the Vietnamese sea was part of the “silk road” centuries ago, a trade connection between Asia and the West.
According to experts, trade exchange developed during the 10th and 11th centuries, when a number of commercial ports and commercial firms were established, opening the busy silk road of the sea.
(Source: Tuoi Tre)
Wednesday, April 05, 2006
Mount Arayat (Glossary)
Rising majestically over an expansive flat plain, Mount Arayat commands views from all directions over much of Central Luzon.
Located between east and northeast from Angeles City, about the same distance from the latter that Pinatubo extends to the west-southwest from that city.
Once famed forests have lost a good bit of their cover but still provide refuge to guerillas as they have through much of history. The mountain has been an important base for underground military activity since World War II.
Spiritually-inclined people have also made pilgrimages to this mountain since the earliest memories often walking many miles to commune with fellow seekers on its slopes. Here is the home of Apung Sinukuan, the sun god. Herbs from this mountain are believed to have special healing qualities. The name of Arayat indicates that it was located towards the East in the geomantic view of the ancient Kapampangans who live around its slopes.
Unlike Pinatubo which is difficult or impossible to make out from most densely-populated areas of Luzon, Arayat's imposing profile is inescapable.
Mt. Arayat rises over the flat plains of Pampanga. Picture taken from Clark Field. (Source: Brian Rueger, www.usefilm.com/image/403491.html)
However, Arayat is likely a secondary or back arc to the Western Central Luzon arc that includes Mt. Pinatubo to the West. Pinatubo's basalt magmas though are more like those of Arayat than the neighboring volcanoes with which it forms the same primary arc.
Volcanologists believe that Pinatubo's magmas involve a mixing of the basement rock Zambales Ophiolite and the secondary arc mantle. Possibly the sub arc mantle is even that related directly to Arayat.
Arayat's last major eruption is something of a mystery. It is known to have been "active" during the Holocene (present) period, but the exact nature of this actiivty is not well-known.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Pallister, John S. , Richard P. Hoblitt, Gregory P. Meeker, Roy J. Knight, and David F. Siems. "Magma Mixing at Mount Pinatubo: Petrographic and Chemical Evidence from the 1991 Deposits", Fire and Mud, 1991, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/pallister/index.html
Located between east and northeast from Angeles City, about the same distance from the latter that Pinatubo extends to the west-southwest from that city.
Once famed forests have lost a good bit of their cover but still provide refuge to guerillas as they have through much of history. The mountain has been an important base for underground military activity since World War II.
Spiritually-inclined people have also made pilgrimages to this mountain since the earliest memories often walking many miles to commune with fellow seekers on its slopes. Here is the home of Apung Sinukuan, the sun god. Herbs from this mountain are believed to have special healing qualities. The name of Arayat indicates that it was located towards the East in the geomantic view of the ancient Kapampangans who live around its slopes.
Unlike Pinatubo which is difficult or impossible to make out from most densely-populated areas of Luzon, Arayat's imposing profile is inescapable.
Mt. Arayat rises over the flat plains of Pampanga. Picture taken from Clark Field. (Source: Brian Rueger, www.usefilm.com/image/403491.html)
However, Arayat is likely a secondary or back arc to the Western Central Luzon arc that includes Mt. Pinatubo to the West. Pinatubo's basalt magmas though are more like those of Arayat than the neighboring volcanoes with which it forms the same primary arc.
Volcanologists believe that Pinatubo's magmas involve a mixing of the basement rock Zambales Ophiolite and the secondary arc mantle. Possibly the sub arc mantle is even that related directly to Arayat.
Arayat's last major eruption is something of a mystery. It is known to have been "active" during the Holocene (present) period, but the exact nature of this actiivty is not well-known.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Pallister, John S. , Richard P. Hoblitt, Gregory P. Meeker, Roy J. Knight, and David F. Siems. "Magma Mixing at Mount Pinatubo: Petrographic and Chemical Evidence from the 1991 Deposits", Fire and Mud, 1991, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/pallister/index.html
Mount Arayat (Glossary)
Rising majestically over an expansive flat plain, Mount Arayat commands views from all directions over much of Central Luzon.
Located between east and northeast from Angeles City, about the same distance from the latter that Pinatubo extends to the west-southwest from that city.
Once famed forests have lost a good bit of their cover but still provide refuge to guerillas as they have through much of history. The mountain has been an important base for underground military activity since World War II.
Spiritually-inclined people have also made pilgrimages to this mountain since the earliest memories often walking many miles to commune with fellow seekers on its slopes. Here is the home of Apung Sinukuan, the sun god. Herbs from this mountain are believed to have special healing qualities. The name of Arayat indicates that it was located towards the East in the geomantic view of the ancient Kapampangans who live around its slopes.
Unlike Pinatubo which is difficult or impossible to make out from most densely-populated areas of Luzon, Arayat's imposing profile is inescapable.
However, Arayat is likely a secondary or back arc to the Western Central Luzon arc that includes Mt. Pinatubo to the West. Pinatubo's basalt magmas though are more like those of Arayat than the andesite and dacite magmas of neighboring volcanoes with which it forms the same primary arc.
Volcanologists believe that Pinatubo's magmas involve a mixing of the basement rock Zambales Ophiolite and the secondary arc mantle. Possibly the sub arc mantle is even that related directly to Arayat.
Arayat's last major eruption is something of a mystery. It is known to have been "active" during the Holocene (present) period, but the exact nature of this actiivty is not well-known.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Pallister, John S. , Richard P. Hoblitt, Gregory P. Meeker, Roy J. Knight, and David F. Siems. "Magma Mixing at Mount Pinatubo: Petrographic and Chemical Evidence from the 1991 Deposits", Fire and Mud, 1991, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/pallister/index.html
Located between east and northeast from Angeles City, about the same distance from the latter that Pinatubo extends to the west-southwest from that city.
Once famed forests have lost a good bit of their cover but still provide refuge to guerillas as they have through much of history. The mountain has been an important base for underground military activity since World War II.
Spiritually-inclined people have also made pilgrimages to this mountain since the earliest memories often walking many miles to commune with fellow seekers on its slopes. Here is the home of Apung Sinukuan, the sun god. Herbs from this mountain are believed to have special healing qualities. The name of Arayat indicates that it was located towards the East in the geomantic view of the ancient Kapampangans who live around its slopes.
Unlike Pinatubo which is difficult or impossible to make out from most densely-populated areas of Luzon, Arayat's imposing profile is inescapable.
However, Arayat is likely a secondary or back arc to the Western Central Luzon arc that includes Mt. Pinatubo to the West. Pinatubo's basalt magmas though are more like those of Arayat than the andesite and dacite magmas of neighboring volcanoes with which it forms the same primary arc.
Volcanologists believe that Pinatubo's magmas involve a mixing of the basement rock Zambales Ophiolite and the secondary arc mantle. Possibly the sub arc mantle is even that related directly to Arayat.
Arayat's last major eruption is something of a mystery. It is known to have been "active" during the Holocene (present) period, but the exact nature of this actiivty is not well-known.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Pallister, John S. , Richard P. Hoblitt, Gregory P. Meeker, Roy J. Knight, and David F. Siems. "Magma Mixing at Mount Pinatubo: Petrographic and Chemical Evidence from the 1991 Deposits", Fire and Mud, 1991, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/pallister/index.html
Tuesday, April 04, 2006
Chinese archaeologists probe origin of domestic horses through DNA (News)
I would not be surprised if they found these early horses came largely from Yunnan or elsewhere in the South.
The Shang dynasty, despite their northern geographical location, belonged to a 'southern interaction zone.'
Such elements as rice, elephant ivory, rhinoceros and Indo-Pacific cowries indicate the southern connections. The cowries formed the Shang currency, and ivory seems to have been an important trade item.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
Chinese archaeologists probe origin of domestic horses through DNA
www.chinaview.cn 2006-04-01 15:55:19
BEIJING, April 1 (Xinhua) -- Chinese archaeologists are studying the DNA samples extracted from the bones of horses unearthed from ancient sites to probe the origin of domestic horses in China.
It's still a mystery to archaeologists when and where horses were first tamed in China, said Cai Dawei, a researcher with the center of archaeological research for China's border area under the Jilin University in Northwest China.
The DNA research will offer valuable clues on the study of migration, spread and domestication of horses, Cai said.
A large number of remains of domestic horses and carriages havebeen found in the relic sites dating back to the late Shang Dynasty (1600 BC-1100 BC) in China.
Many bones of horses who were sacrificed were discovered in the sites of the late Shang Dynasty, such as the Yin Ruins in Central China's Henan Province, the Laoniupo site in Xi'an, capital of Northwest China's Shaanxi Province and the Qianzhangda site in East China's Shandong Province.
"However, horses earlier than the late Shang Dynasty were seldom found in China. And it's difficult for archaeologists to determine whether the few remains of horses earlier than the Shang Dynasty belong to domestic horses or wild ones," Cai said.
"The lack of evidence at the early period of domestication of horses and the 'sudden emergence' of tamed horses in the late Shang Dynasty makes the history of horses in China very confusing," said Cai.
In order to probe the origin of China's domestic horses, Cai's center has began the study of the DNA samples extracted from horse remains in Yin Ruins and the ancient city of Zhenghan in Henan Province, as well as the archaeological sites in Northwest China'sNingxia and North China's Inner Mongolia.
The domestication of horses had a great influence on the development of human civilization. The horses not only provided human beings with meat and milk, but also were used for transportation and war.
An increasing number of remains of horses have been found in archaeological sites dating back to 4,000 BC in Eurasia and the Siberian grassland in the past few years. However, archaeologists are still not clear whether the domestication of horses originated in one region and then spread to other places, or the wild horses were tamed in different regions separately. Enditem
The Shang dynasty, despite their northern geographical location, belonged to a 'southern interaction zone.'
Such elements as rice, elephant ivory, rhinoceros and Indo-Pacific cowries indicate the southern connections. The cowries formed the Shang currency, and ivory seems to have been an important trade item.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
Chinese archaeologists probe origin of domestic horses through DNA
www.chinaview.cn 2006-04-01 15:55:19
BEIJING, April 1 (Xinhua) -- Chinese archaeologists are studying the DNA samples extracted from the bones of horses unearthed from ancient sites to probe the origin of domestic horses in China.
It's still a mystery to archaeologists when and where horses were first tamed in China, said Cai Dawei, a researcher with the center of archaeological research for China's border area under the Jilin University in Northwest China.
The DNA research will offer valuable clues on the study of migration, spread and domestication of horses, Cai said.
A large number of remains of domestic horses and carriages havebeen found in the relic sites dating back to the late Shang Dynasty (1600 BC-1100 BC) in China.
Many bones of horses who were sacrificed were discovered in the sites of the late Shang Dynasty, such as the Yin Ruins in Central China's Henan Province, the Laoniupo site in Xi'an, capital of Northwest China's Shaanxi Province and the Qianzhangda site in East China's Shandong Province.
"However, horses earlier than the late Shang Dynasty were seldom found in China. And it's difficult for archaeologists to determine whether the few remains of horses earlier than the Shang Dynasty belong to domestic horses or wild ones," Cai said.
"The lack of evidence at the early period of domestication of horses and the 'sudden emergence' of tamed horses in the late Shang Dynasty makes the history of horses in China very confusing," said Cai.
In order to probe the origin of China's domestic horses, Cai's center has began the study of the DNA samples extracted from horse remains in Yin Ruins and the ancient city of Zhenghan in Henan Province, as well as the archaeological sites in Northwest China'sNingxia and North China's Inner Mongolia.
The domestication of horses had a great influence on the development of human civilization. The horses not only provided human beings with meat and milk, but also were used for transportation and war.
An increasing number of remains of horses have been found in archaeological sites dating back to 4,000 BC in Eurasia and the Siberian grassland in the past few years. However, archaeologists are still not clear whether the domestication of horses originated in one region and then spread to other places, or the wild horses were tamed in different regions separately. Enditem
Sunday, April 02, 2006
Ancient pottery from Vanuatu might shed light on the last great human migration (News)
The jar lids mentioned in the article below are similar are another link to Neolithic pottery in Eastern Indonesia and the Philippines.
For some reason, the Pacific Islanders found pottery was no worth the labor as they moved out in the Pacific.
Could be the lack of harsh winters, relatively rare cyclones and droughts, low population/competition, reduced the need for longer term storage capacity than provided by gourds, baskets, etc.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
http://smh.com.au/news/world/history-between-the-cracks/2006/03/24/1143083994170.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap1
History between the cracks
March 25, 2006
Ancient pottery from Vanuatu might shed light on the last great human migration, writes Deborah Smith.
TAKARONGA KUAUTONGA carefully examines the shape, colour and patterns on the ancient fragments of pottery. "It's like a big jigsaw puzzle," he says, as he patiently pieces them together.
The 3000-year-old pot he is reconstructing was unearthed, along with 25 headless human skeletons, at a burial site in Vanuatu - the oldest graveyard discovered so far in the South Pacific.
Intricately decorated, it is one of four rare, well-preserved items of Lapita pottery - three pots and a dish - found at the site that have been brought to Sydney for restoration at the Australian Museum.
The mysterious, seafaring Lapita people were the first humans to settle Vanuatu, New Caledonia, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa more than 3000 years ago. While their origin remains a mystery, their burial pots reveal they were expert artisans, says Colin Macgregor, the museum's manager of materials conservation.
It would have taken great skill to model and fire the coarse clay into delicate vessels without cracking them, he says, marvelling at the thinness of one of the larger Lapita pots. "It's a masterpiece of the potter's art."
The cemetery, one of the most important archaeological finds in the South Pacific, was discovered by chance 2½ years ago at Teouma, only a 20-minute drive from the Vanuatuan capital, Port Vila.
A bulldozer driver digging soil for a prawn farm spotted some pottery shards. Fortunately, he showed them to a friend who recognised their significance because he had recently completed an archaeology course at the Vanuatu Cultural Centre.
The Vanuatu National Museum's director, Ralph Regenvanu, drew together a local and international excavation team, which includes Professor Matthew Spriggs and Dr Stuart Bedford of the Australian National University, to study the site.
Their first pottery find was the flat-bottomed dish which is decorated with a pattern made from two types of human face. It was discovered upside down, acting as a lid for one of the large pots, which contained a human skull.
The other two pots were found nearby, along with the headless skeletons, some of which had big shells placed over their bodies. Most were interred on their backs, but a few were on their front or in strange, bent positions.
Spriggs says studies of the skeletons show these Lapita people were large and strong, with particularly robust upper arms, probably from paddling canoes. They appeared to treat the heads of the dead with reverence. Three skulls were found placed on the chest of the headless remains of an old man. None were his, says Spriggs.
"Even more mysteriously, one of those skulls had a lower jaw but the jaw didn't belong to any of the three skulls."
Burial pots were common in Taiwan about 5500 years ago, and this could provide a clue to where the Lapita people came from. It is also hoped DNA tests on the bones will reveal more about their past.
Ideas on their origins range from a "fast train" theory of rapid migration of Taiwanese to the east to an "indigenous inhabitants" theory that the Lapita culture arose from people living in Papua New Guinea.
Vinod Daniel, head of collections and research resources at the Australian Museum, says the four pieces of Lapita pottery from Vanuatu are particularly valuable because they represent half of all the complete Lapita pots ever found.
As they were unearthed, the hundreds of small pieces were placed in plastic bags and carefully labelled, ready for transfer to Australia. The first painstaking task here for Kuautonga, a curator at the Vanuatu National Museum who has been on a two-month internship at the museum in Sydney, was to clean the soil off each piece in a special quarantine laboratory.
Only a small part of the Teouma site has been excavated, and Kuautonga will take the skills he has learnt here back to Vanuatu so any future pottery finds can be reconstructed there. When the four pots are complete they will be shipped back to Vanuatu to go on display.
The Lapita people made the last great human migration. "There is tremendous public interest in knowing where our ancestors came from," says Regenvanu.
For some reason, the Pacific Islanders found pottery was no worth the labor as they moved out in the Pacific.
Could be the lack of harsh winters, relatively rare cyclones and droughts, low population/competition, reduced the need for longer term storage capacity than provided by gourds, baskets, etc.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---
http://smh.com.au/news/world/history-between-the-cracks/2006/03/24/1143083994170.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap1
History between the cracks
March 25, 2006
Ancient pottery from Vanuatu might shed light on the last great human migration, writes Deborah Smith.
TAKARONGA KUAUTONGA carefully examines the shape, colour and patterns on the ancient fragments of pottery. "It's like a big jigsaw puzzle," he says, as he patiently pieces them together.
The 3000-year-old pot he is reconstructing was unearthed, along with 25 headless human skeletons, at a burial site in Vanuatu - the oldest graveyard discovered so far in the South Pacific.
Intricately decorated, it is one of four rare, well-preserved items of Lapita pottery - three pots and a dish - found at the site that have been brought to Sydney for restoration at the Australian Museum.
The mysterious, seafaring Lapita people were the first humans to settle Vanuatu, New Caledonia, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa more than 3000 years ago. While their origin remains a mystery, their burial pots reveal they were expert artisans, says Colin Macgregor, the museum's manager of materials conservation.
It would have taken great skill to model and fire the coarse clay into delicate vessels without cracking them, he says, marvelling at the thinness of one of the larger Lapita pots. "It's a masterpiece of the potter's art."
The cemetery, one of the most important archaeological finds in the South Pacific, was discovered by chance 2½ years ago at Teouma, only a 20-minute drive from the Vanuatuan capital, Port Vila.
A bulldozer driver digging soil for a prawn farm spotted some pottery shards. Fortunately, he showed them to a friend who recognised their significance because he had recently completed an archaeology course at the Vanuatu Cultural Centre.
The Vanuatu National Museum's director, Ralph Regenvanu, drew together a local and international excavation team, which includes Professor Matthew Spriggs and Dr Stuart Bedford of the Australian National University, to study the site.
Their first pottery find was the flat-bottomed dish which is decorated with a pattern made from two types of human face. It was discovered upside down, acting as a lid for one of the large pots, which contained a human skull.
The other two pots were found nearby, along with the headless skeletons, some of which had big shells placed over their bodies. Most were interred on their backs, but a few were on their front or in strange, bent positions.
Spriggs says studies of the skeletons show these Lapita people were large and strong, with particularly robust upper arms, probably from paddling canoes. They appeared to treat the heads of the dead with reverence. Three skulls were found placed on the chest of the headless remains of an old man. None were his, says Spriggs.
"Even more mysteriously, one of those skulls had a lower jaw but the jaw didn't belong to any of the three skulls."
Burial pots were common in Taiwan about 5500 years ago, and this could provide a clue to where the Lapita people came from. It is also hoped DNA tests on the bones will reveal more about their past.
Ideas on their origins range from a "fast train" theory of rapid migration of Taiwanese to the east to an "indigenous inhabitants" theory that the Lapita culture arose from people living in Papua New Guinea.
Vinod Daniel, head of collections and research resources at the Australian Museum, says the four pieces of Lapita pottery from Vanuatu are particularly valuable because they represent half of all the complete Lapita pots ever found.
As they were unearthed, the hundreds of small pieces were placed in plastic bags and carefully labelled, ready for transfer to Australia. The first painstaking task here for Kuautonga, a curator at the Vanuatu National Museum who has been on a two-month internship at the museum in Sydney, was to clean the soil off each piece in a special quarantine laboratory.
Only a small part of the Teouma site has been excavated, and Kuautonga will take the skills he has learnt here back to Vanuatu so any future pottery finds can be reconstructed there. When the four pots are complete they will be shipped back to Vanuatu to go on display.
The Lapita people made the last great human migration. "There is tremendous public interest in knowing where our ancestors came from," says Regenvanu.
Friday, March 24, 2006
Metallurgy, Southeast Asian (Glossary)
Southeast Asian metallurgy has been a source of controversy since the early dating of metal technology in places like Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha in Thailand.
Thermoluminescence dating of pottery associated with eight bronze bracelets discovered by N. Suthiragsa revealed dates between 5000 and 4500 BCE. Radiocarbon dating of separately excavated bronzes uncovered by C.F. Gorman and P. Charoenwongsa gave dates of about 3600 BCE.
Such early datings for bronze technology exceeded that found elsewhere in the world and caused much commotion when first revealed. Joyce White who worked on Gorman's sites after the latter's death, found that the early dates were not "archaeologically meaningful." Her "re-analysis" of the radiocarbon findings pushed the date forward to 2100 BCE, based on the explanation that the bronzes may have been 'cut down' to lower levels than their true age.
However, it must be said that prior to the startling early data, the excavators apparently saw no problem with the strata and approved tests. Also, White's reanalysis can only apply to the radiocarbon dates and not to the direct thermoluminescence findings.
Recent discoveries at Balobok Rockshelter in the southern Philippines have unearthed early Neolithic tools dated to 5340 BCE and a bronze adze from a layer at 3190 BCE.
Early finds from Thailand reveal the use of four metals in local bronze work: copper, tin, arsenic and lead. The last three metals, each combined with copper to make bronze, are found naturally together with copper ores at worked sites near Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha. So it would be rather simple for the blacksmith to accidentally or experimentally combine the metals and realize the superior resulting product.
Linguistic evidence
Probably even more controversial than the archaeological evidence is the suggestion by Robert Blust in 1976 that Proto-Austronesians dating from the period 5000 to 3000 BCE had a "knowledge of iron."
He states "the probability is small that a collection of unrelated bypotheses will provide a more plausible explanation of these facts than the single hypothesis that iron was known and worked at an early date, perhaps as early as Proto-Austronesian times." Although Blust in 1999 notes that words for metal do not necessarily require knowledge of metallurgy, we cannot dismiss the idea simply due to the negative archaeological evidence.
Iron was reconstructed as *bariS and further reconstructions were given for words such as "blacksmithing" and "anvil," the latter two terms restricted to Western Malayo-Polynesian. Using Solheim's chronology at least, this could fit well with the evidence of bronze at Balobok by 3190 BCE.
Admittedly though, no archaeological evidence has yet been found to support such an early iron-working hypothesis.
Fired pottery and the development of metallurgy
Evidence for pottery kilns predates that of metal working and it may be that the latter owes its existence to the former.
Hoabinhian culture in Vietnam began a process of firing clay pottery starting possibly as early as 10,000 BCE. At Shiweishan and Chenqiaocon near present-day Xiamen, clay pots were fired to about 680 degrees C. around 5000 BCE. At Ban Na Di in northern Thailand, pottery was fired to temperatures of 950 degrees C, and high-fired pots are associated with bronze finds near Hong Kong.
Early dates for high-fired pottery present development stages that could have led to experimentation with metal smelting.
Tools of the trade
Clay-lined furnaces were popular in the Southeast Asian region, and in some areas portable chimney furnaces were used.
Moulds were often made using the lost wax method in which a model of the desired object is first made with beeswax. The model is then covered with clay and baked, hardening the clay into a mould and melting the wax.
The magnificent Dong Son drums required a complex alternating clay and wax mould-making procedure that many believe required a trained full-time bronze specialist workforce.
Piston bellows
Although evidence of ancient bellows is lacking, in historical times, piston bellows have been the signature technology in Southeast Asian blacksmithing.
Piston bellows, the fire piston and the blowgun are related Southeast Asian technologies that rely on the principle of compressed air.
A sumpak (right) or fire piston of carabao horn and silver for lighting fires, and a kalikot (left) for grinding betel nuts made of ebony and silver, both from the Philippines and utilizing the principle of air compression. (Source: Conrado Benitez's History of the Philippines)
Possibly the blowgun was the first of these devices. In areas where no metal technology is present, the weapon is constructed from two strips of wood cemented together and wrapped with bark. Where metal is available, a metal rod is commonly used to bore through solid wood.
Frequent use of the blowgun will soon lead to the realization that the compressed air within the tube generates heat.
Piston bellows in Southeast Asia and Madagascar are made of bamboo or wooden tubes usually with feather-covered pistons on the end of a plunger. A "double-action" piston bellows normally involves two tubes worked alternately with each hand. As the plunger is pushed down the cylinder, the air is forced through a tube into the furnace. Upon reaching the end of the cylinder, the feathers collapse allowing the plunger to rise back without effort.
By working one piston at a time, a constant flow of air is introduced into the furnace.
Carving from Candi Sukuh in Java dating from the early to mid-1400s showing a smith forging a kris to the left, and a helper working a two-handed piston bellows to the right. (Sourc: http://www.nikhef.nl/~tonvr/keris/keris1/keris.html)
Development of the cannon
The earliest mention of possible military use of cannons may be that John de Plano Carpini who tells of a battle during the time of Genghis Khan, i.e., before 1227. The Mongol leader sent one of his sons to fight against Prester John, the king of "Greater India," a location which as we discuss in his blog is rather vague.
Some scholars have speculated that the hollow figures stuffed with combustibles might refer to small portable swivel guns like the lantaka.
Another possibility is something similar to the modern sumpak made by village smiths in the Philippines. The sumpak has the same name as the earlier fire piston and is similar in design relying on air compression using a plunger to ignite a shotgun-like shell. The age of this design is questionable but it makes sense that early cannons could have been derived from the fire piston. Both fires pistons and piston bellows were found in Madagascar but not the cannon, so the former are probably earlier inventions.
It is known that the Chinese had early knowledge of gunpowder and cannon-like devices. The medieval Arabs knew of saltpeter, the most important ingredient in gunpowder, as "Chinese snow," while the Persians called it "Chinese salt." According to Needham, the oldest cannon artifact is a bronze bombard at the Peking Historical Museum dated by inscription to 1332.
However, there is significant difference in the methods used by the Chinese to obtain saltpeter, as compared with those found in Southeast Asia.
In China, saltpeter is found on certain nitrogen-rich soils where winds from Eurasia helped dry decomposing organic material. In many areas, saltpeter crystallized on the soil surface especially during winter. The Chinese method was to inject urine into such soils to enhance the saltpeter formation.
Such methods were followed by the Arabs and Europeans. In Europe, beds of manure and other decomposing materials, were mixed with soil and ash and charged with urine.
Southeast Asians, on the other hand, appear to have used guano as their main source of saltpeter in contrast to the Chinese methods.
Nowhere in his vast work does Needham mention the use of guano, bat or bird dung, in making saltpeter.
Interestingly, guano, sulfur and charcoal, the three ingredients used in manufacturing gunpowder, occur naturally where volcanoes coincide with caves for bats and swallows. Such areas are, in fact, quite common in Southeast Asia.
In Medieval Technology and Social Change Lynn White, suggests that the cannon was developed through the concept of the blowgun imported by Arabs from Southeast Asia.
She states that Tamil sungutan and Malayalam tumbitan, both meaning "blowgun" are derived from the sumpitan "blowgun" of Insular Southeast Asia.
The Arabic zabatana and zabtaniya "blowgun" are traced to the
same source, and these also became names for the Arab arquebus.
From the Arabic derives the Italian name for blowgun, cerbottana, which by 1440 also is the name of a long-barrelled, small-bore cannon.
Lantakas
European explorers found excellent weapons known as lantakas used in Southeast Asia in the late 1400s and early 1500s. Mounted on a swivel yoke, the portable lantaka was most often suspended on stirrups attached to the rail of a ship. The setup allowed for recoil and quick, versatile aiming.
Most lantakas were made of bronze and the earliest ones were breech-loaded. During colonial times, there was a trend toward muzzle-loaded weapons. Europeans hired local smiths and also cast their own lantakas for use on their ships. The most impressive were the large double-barrelled lantakas. Small cannonballs or grape shot were fired from these weapons.
Double-barrelled lantaka from the Museo d'Arte Orientale. (Source: http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=137)
Lantaka with swivel mount clearly displayed. (Source: http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/printthread.php?t=88)
Larger culverin-like weapons, often made of iron, were also cast like the 17-foot cannon of Manila's Rajah Soliman. An indigenous type of arquebus, sometimes made of copper, is also frequently mentioned.
Despite the high-quality of their weapons, most kingdoms in Southeast Asia at the start of the colonial period had only small inventories. Problems procuring iron, and long rituals involved in producing weapons will be discussed below. Tome Pires was impressed with the artillery and firearms possessed by the Vietnamese empire, and their skill in using these weapons. However, even here Vietnam was forced to import most of its saltpeter and sulfur from places like Solor in eastern Indonesia.
As most of Southeast Asia lacked dry season winds such as those found in India and China, guano tended to be very moist compared to that found in Peru and other locations. The process of extracting saltpeter from guano thus was lengthy and expensive.
Iron technology and the Kris
The oldest dates for iron in Southeast Asia are from Ban Chiang going back to 1600 BCE. Again these are a source of controversy like the bronze datings.
Other early dates for iron can be found at Sa-Huynh sites in Vietnam.
Meteoric iron may have been preferred because of its supposed spiritual qualities as a 'heavenly metal.' The taste for meteoric iron may have even hurt local iron mining efforts. When Europeans came to the Philippines iron was valued higher than gold or silver, although they were well aware of the prices for these metals in other countries.
Kris manufacture throughout Southeast Asia involved the heavy use of meteoric metals. The kris was first and foremost a spiritual and ritual amulet as much as a battlefield weapon. The early high quality armament of the Shang dynasty in China was also made of meteoric metal.
Alternating "soft" and "hard" layers were folded in making the kris, with the hard layers involving iron, nickel and titanium, at least one of which and preferably all of meteoric origin. The soft layers were made of ordinary iron. Many modern kris makers (empu) however, use industrial metals to make their weapons.
The Wonotirto meteorite of 2001 in Java was found to have a high titanium content. X-ray fluoresence testing indicated that the stone was primarily titanium mixed with nickel, manganese and iron. (Source: http://ww.indomedia.com/)
A high quality kris involves hundreds of laminations, and the best quality might involve thousands of layers.
While some kris may be highly-polished, the more characteristic technique is to create a rough finish known as a pamur. The kris is described as a three-edged weapon with the rough pamur side complementing the normal edges. An empu will often make cuttings to expose veins, considered to have special spiritual power.
After a bit of polishing, acidic solutions, including lime and arsenic, are used to pickle the blade to help prevent rusting. The arsenic blackens the iron and steel allowing the nickel and other impurities to shine through and give the pamur appearance. Etchings are also made using arsenic. The kris is then dryed over charcoal and incense and finally lubricated with scented oils.
The pamur of the kris is clearly displayed in this image. (Source: www.aagaines.com/man/kris1.html)
Source: http://www.arco-iris.com/George/indonesia.htm
Sacred smith
The smith has been studied in world cultures and most often the position is either highly-regarded or despised. In some cases, castes and taboos arise with particular reference to the blacksmith.
In India, for example, metal-working is most closely associated with the tribal peoples, particularly those of the Vindhyas. Iron is considered the metal of the sudras, or lowest caste, while copper was assigned to the highest caste brahmins.
Iron tools were forbidden in Ancient Greek temples, and the Roman priests of Jupiter used bronze and avoided iron tools for cutting their hair and nails. This prohibition was passed on to the Frankish kings.
African society is nearly divided between pastoral peoples, particularly those who ride the horse, who hold the blacksmith as a pariah caste, and settled agricultural people who elevate the smith to nobility, priesthood and royalty.
Turko-Mongol peoples generally revered the blacksmith and two of their greatest heroes Temujin (Genghis Khan) and Timur both had names derived from the word for "blacksmith." The Ghuz Turks in particular where considered practically a blacksmithing people en masse at one time.
On the other hand, from Nepal to Tibet the blacksmith generally has the same low position as in India.
"Blacksmith" itself denotes a low status, and in medieval Europe the work was often assigned to semi-nomadic Gypsies.
Southeast Asian cultures generally fall into the category of cultures that revered blacksmiths, and placed iron very high if not at the top of the metal hierarchy. In old Java, the terms empu or kyai "lord, master" referred specifically only to the iron smith or later to the weapons-maker.
A prince who was not in the line of succession could favorably consider becoming a blacksmith in the region from Java to Mindanao in old-time culture.
Blacksmith shops acted also as communal meeting places and even temples, and the blacksmith often held an hereditary chiefly position in the community. Only the high nobility maintained their genealogies as carefully as the blacksmith.
Because the weapons of the smith were often considered also as sacred heirlooms and at times even the domains of one's ancestors, the forging process was particularly painstaking in detail. The master smith awaited special astrological conjunctions and signs to undertake each stage of the weapon-making process.
In some cases, a very precious kris could take many years or even the entire lifetime of the smith to complete.
A Maranao sultan's betel box with silver applique (above). Below is a betel box with silver inlay and strap. The Maranao were skilled silver and goldsmiths and even practiced their own indigenous form of dentistry. Gold teeth were implanted by cutting away the tooth, allowing the pulp to dry, and placing a silver core in the cleaned socket. A gold exterior was welded to the silver nail.(Source: http://www.lasieexotique.com/mag_betel.html)
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Blust, Robert A. "Linguistics versus archaeology : early Austronesian terms for metals," Archaeology and Language, 1999, pp. 127-143.
Combes, Francisco. Historia de Mindanao y Joló: por el p. Francisco Combés ... Obra publicada en Madrid en 1667, y que ahora con la colaboración del p. Pablo Pastells ... sanca nuevamente á luz W. E. Retana, Madrid: Viuda de M. Minuesa de los RÃos, 1897.
Higham, Charles. The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
___. The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press, 1996.
Kerr, Robert. General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels: Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time, W. Blackwood and T. Cadell, 1824.
Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China Volume V Part 2 Chemistry and Chemical Technology..., Oxford University Press, 1974.
Thermoluminescence dating of pottery associated with eight bronze bracelets discovered by N. Suthiragsa revealed dates between 5000 and 4500 BCE. Radiocarbon dating of separately excavated bronzes uncovered by C.F. Gorman and P. Charoenwongsa gave dates of about 3600 BCE.
Such early datings for bronze technology exceeded that found elsewhere in the world and caused much commotion when first revealed. Joyce White who worked on Gorman's sites after the latter's death, found that the early dates were not "archaeologically meaningful." Her "re-analysis" of the radiocarbon findings pushed the date forward to 2100 BCE, based on the explanation that the bronzes may have been 'cut down' to lower levels than their true age.
However, it must be said that prior to the startling early data, the excavators apparently saw no problem with the strata and approved tests. Also, White's reanalysis can only apply to the radiocarbon dates and not to the direct thermoluminescence findings.
Recent discoveries at Balobok Rockshelter in the southern Philippines have unearthed early Neolithic tools dated to 5340 BCE and a bronze adze from a layer at 3190 BCE.
Early finds from Thailand reveal the use of four metals in local bronze work: copper, tin, arsenic and lead. The last three metals, each combined with copper to make bronze, are found naturally together with copper ores at worked sites near Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha. So it would be rather simple for the blacksmith to accidentally or experimentally combine the metals and realize the superior resulting product.
Linguistic evidence
Probably even more controversial than the archaeological evidence is the suggestion by Robert Blust in 1976 that Proto-Austronesians dating from the period 5000 to 3000 BCE had a "knowledge of iron."
He states "the probability is small that a collection of unrelated bypotheses will provide a more plausible explanation of these facts than the single hypothesis that iron was known and worked at an early date, perhaps as early as Proto-Austronesian times." Although Blust in 1999 notes that words for metal do not necessarily require knowledge of metallurgy, we cannot dismiss the idea simply due to the negative archaeological evidence.
Iron was reconstructed as *bariS and further reconstructions were given for words such as "blacksmithing" and "anvil," the latter two terms restricted to Western Malayo-Polynesian. Using Solheim's chronology at least, this could fit well with the evidence of bronze at Balobok by 3190 BCE.
Admittedly though, no archaeological evidence has yet been found to support such an early iron-working hypothesis.
Fired pottery and the development of metallurgy
Evidence for pottery kilns predates that of metal working and it may be that the latter owes its existence to the former.
Hoabinhian culture in Vietnam began a process of firing clay pottery starting possibly as early as 10,000 BCE. At Shiweishan and Chenqiaocon near present-day Xiamen, clay pots were fired to about 680 degrees C. around 5000 BCE. At Ban Na Di in northern Thailand, pottery was fired to temperatures of 950 degrees C, and high-fired pots are associated with bronze finds near Hong Kong.
Early dates for high-fired pottery present development stages that could have led to experimentation with metal smelting.
Tools of the trade
Clay-lined furnaces were popular in the Southeast Asian region, and in some areas portable chimney furnaces were used.
Moulds were often made using the lost wax method in which a model of the desired object is first made with beeswax. The model is then covered with clay and baked, hardening the clay into a mould and melting the wax.
The magnificent Dong Son drums required a complex alternating clay and wax mould-making procedure that many believe required a trained full-time bronze specialist workforce.
Piston bellows
Although evidence of ancient bellows is lacking, in historical times, piston bellows have been the signature technology in Southeast Asian blacksmithing.
Piston bellows, the fire piston and the blowgun are related Southeast Asian technologies that rely on the principle of compressed air.
A sumpak (right) or fire piston of carabao horn and silver for lighting fires, and a kalikot (left) for grinding betel nuts made of ebony and silver, both from the Philippines and utilizing the principle of air compression. (Source: Conrado Benitez's History of the Philippines)
Possibly the blowgun was the first of these devices. In areas where no metal technology is present, the weapon is constructed from two strips of wood cemented together and wrapped with bark. Where metal is available, a metal rod is commonly used to bore through solid wood.
Frequent use of the blowgun will soon lead to the realization that the compressed air within the tube generates heat.
Piston bellows in Southeast Asia and Madagascar are made of bamboo or wooden tubes usually with feather-covered pistons on the end of a plunger. A "double-action" piston bellows normally involves two tubes worked alternately with each hand. As the plunger is pushed down the cylinder, the air is forced through a tube into the furnace. Upon reaching the end of the cylinder, the feathers collapse allowing the plunger to rise back without effort.
By working one piston at a time, a constant flow of air is introduced into the furnace.
Carving from Candi Sukuh in Java dating from the early to mid-1400s showing a smith forging a kris to the left, and a helper working a two-handed piston bellows to the right. (Sourc: http://www.nikhef.nl/~tonvr/keris/keris1/keris.html)
Development of the cannon
The earliest mention of possible military use of cannons may be that John de Plano Carpini who tells of a battle during the time of Genghis Khan, i.e., before 1227. The Mongol leader sent one of his sons to fight against Prester John, the king of "Greater India," a location which as we discuss in his blog is rather vague.
From thence the Mongol army marched to fight against the Christians dwelling in the greater India, and the king of that country, known by the name of Prester John, came forth with his army against them. This prince caused a number of hollow copper figures to be made, resembling men, which were stuffed with combustibles, and set upon horses, each having a man behind on the horse, with a pair of bellows to stir up the fire. When approaching to give battle, these mounted images were first sent forwards against the enemy, and the men who rode behind set fire by some means to the combustibles, and blew strongly with their bellows: and the Mongol men and horses were burnt with wildfire, and the air was darkened with smoke.
--- The Travels of John de Plano Carpini and other Friars, sent about the year 1246, as ambassadors from Pope Innocent IV, to the great Khan of the Moguls or Tartars
Some scholars have speculated that the hollow figures stuffed with combustibles might refer to small portable swivel guns like the lantaka.
Another possibility is something similar to the modern sumpak made by village smiths in the Philippines. The sumpak has the same name as the earlier fire piston and is similar in design relying on air compression using a plunger to ignite a shotgun-like shell. The age of this design is questionable but it makes sense that early cannons could have been derived from the fire piston. Both fires pistons and piston bellows were found in Madagascar but not the cannon, so the former are probably earlier inventions.
It is known that the Chinese had early knowledge of gunpowder and cannon-like devices. The medieval Arabs knew of saltpeter, the most important ingredient in gunpowder, as "Chinese snow," while the Persians called it "Chinese salt." According to Needham, the oldest cannon artifact is a bronze bombard at the Peking Historical Museum dated by inscription to 1332.
However, there is significant difference in the methods used by the Chinese to obtain saltpeter, as compared with those found in Southeast Asia.
In China, saltpeter is found on certain nitrogen-rich soils where winds from Eurasia helped dry decomposing organic material. In many areas, saltpeter crystallized on the soil surface especially during winter. The Chinese method was to inject urine into such soils to enhance the saltpeter formation.
Such methods were followed by the Arabs and Europeans. In Europe, beds of manure and other decomposing materials, were mixed with soil and ash and charged with urine.
Southeast Asians, on the other hand, appear to have used guano as their main source of saltpeter in contrast to the Chinese methods.
"This island [Mindanao], like the rest, is lacking in saltpetre, but the fault is remedied from the deposits of the giant bats (Murcielagos) which congregate in dark caves where they deposit an abundance of excrement which is made a substitute for saltpetre: and to this end there follows the labor necessary to extract the elements required for the manufacture of gunpowder, which is one of the most important needs of the islands. But although they succeed, the quality is not as quick on account of the moisture nor as powerful as ours. The matter of its manufacture has been brought to the notice of his Majesty as being more expensive and impracticable for the needs of the government."
(Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, by P. Francisco Combes, 1645, abridged translation. Original Spanish: "Falta en esta Isla el salitre, como en las demas deste Archipelago; pero suple su falta el Mindanao con otra mina que dio la naturaleza en unas grutas, y cueuas grandes, guarida de los murciegalos, que los ay mayores que una gallina, y en numero inmenso, que a no ser negras auroras de la noche, pudieran introduzirla en lon mejor del dia, segun assombra los ayres su multitud, ocupando muchas horas su negro exercito en la mancha, que a puestas del Sol ordena en busca del sustento. Estos como enemigos de la luz se acogen de dia al assilo de last tinieblas, que reynan en las grutas, con que les dexan abundancia de exrementos, los quales beneficiados se sustituyen al salitre; y al fin llega a conseguir el trabajo industrioso los ingredientes necessarios para la poluora, que es le mayor necessidad destas islas. Pero aunque salen con ella, ni es tan prompta, por ser naturalmente mas humeda, ni tiene la violencia que la nuestra. Por lo que, aunque muchos han presentado este arbitrio a su Magestad, nunca se ha aceptado, por ser de poco efecto, y de mayor gasto que el ordinario, y practiable para pocas cantidades, y no para la grandeze de los abastos Reales.")
"The process of manufacturing saltpetre and gunpowder will demand a short account. Saltpetre is obtained by boiling the soil of caves frequented by bats and by birds, chiefly swallows. This soil is decomposed dung of these animals, which commonly fills the bottom of the caves to the depth of from four to six feet."
(History of the Indian Archipelago : containing an account of the manners, arts, languages, religions, institutions, and commerce of its inhabitants, by John Crawford, 1820)
Nowhere in his vast work does Needham mention the use of guano, bat or bird dung, in making saltpeter.
Interestingly, guano, sulfur and charcoal, the three ingredients used in manufacturing gunpowder, occur naturally where volcanoes coincide with caves for bats and swallows. Such areas are, in fact, quite common in Southeast Asia.
In Medieval Technology and Social Change Lynn White, suggests that the cannon was developed through the concept of the blowgun imported by Arabs from Southeast Asia.
She states that Tamil sungutan and Malayalam tumbitan, both meaning "blowgun" are derived from the sumpitan "blowgun" of Insular Southeast Asia.
The Arabic zabatana and zabtaniya "blowgun" are traced to the
same source, and these also became names for the Arab arquebus.
From the Arabic derives the Italian name for blowgun, cerbottana, which by 1440 also is the name of a long-barrelled, small-bore cannon.
Lantakas
European explorers found excellent weapons known as lantakas used in Southeast Asia in the late 1400s and early 1500s. Mounted on a swivel yoke, the portable lantaka was most often suspended on stirrups attached to the rail of a ship. The setup allowed for recoil and quick, versatile aiming.
Most lantakas were made of bronze and the earliest ones were breech-loaded. During colonial times, there was a trend toward muzzle-loaded weapons. Europeans hired local smiths and also cast their own lantakas for use on their ships. The most impressive were the large double-barrelled lantakas. Small cannonballs or grape shot were fired from these weapons.
Double-barrelled lantaka from the Museo d'Arte Orientale. (Source: http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=137)
Lantaka with swivel mount clearly displayed. (Source: http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/printthread.php?t=88)
Larger culverin-like weapons, often made of iron, were also cast like the 17-foot cannon of Manila's Rajah Soliman. An indigenous type of arquebus, sometimes made of copper, is also frequently mentioned.
Despite the high-quality of their weapons, most kingdoms in Southeast Asia at the start of the colonial period had only small inventories. Problems procuring iron, and long rituals involved in producing weapons will be discussed below. Tome Pires was impressed with the artillery and firearms possessed by the Vietnamese empire, and their skill in using these weapons. However, even here Vietnam was forced to import most of its saltpeter and sulfur from places like Solor in eastern Indonesia.
As most of Southeast Asia lacked dry season winds such as those found in India and China, guano tended to be very moist compared to that found in Peru and other locations. The process of extracting saltpeter from guano thus was lengthy and expensive.
Iron technology and the Kris
The oldest dates for iron in Southeast Asia are from Ban Chiang going back to 1600 BCE. Again these are a source of controversy like the bronze datings.
Other early dates for iron can be found at Sa-Huynh sites in Vietnam.
Meteoric iron may have been preferred because of its supposed spiritual qualities as a 'heavenly metal.' The taste for meteoric iron may have even hurt local iron mining efforts. When Europeans came to the Philippines iron was valued higher than gold or silver, although they were well aware of the prices for these metals in other countries.
Kris manufacture throughout Southeast Asia involved the heavy use of meteoric metals. The kris was first and foremost a spiritual and ritual amulet as much as a battlefield weapon. The early high quality armament of the Shang dynasty in China was also made of meteoric metal.
Alternating "soft" and "hard" layers were folded in making the kris, with the hard layers involving iron, nickel and titanium, at least one of which and preferably all of meteoric origin. The soft layers were made of ordinary iron. Many modern kris makers (empu) however, use industrial metals to make their weapons.
The Wonotirto meteorite of 2001 in Java was found to have a high titanium content. X-ray fluoresence testing indicated that the stone was primarily titanium mixed with nickel, manganese and iron. (Source: http://ww.indomedia.com/)
A high quality kris involves hundreds of laminations, and the best quality might involve thousands of layers.
While some kris may be highly-polished, the more characteristic technique is to create a rough finish known as a pamur. The kris is described as a three-edged weapon with the rough pamur side complementing the normal edges. An empu will often make cuttings to expose veins, considered to have special spiritual power.
After a bit of polishing, acidic solutions, including lime and arsenic, are used to pickle the blade to help prevent rusting. The arsenic blackens the iron and steel allowing the nickel and other impurities to shine through and give the pamur appearance. Etchings are also made using arsenic. The kris is then dryed over charcoal and incense and finally lubricated with scented oils.
The pamur of the kris is clearly displayed in this image. (Source: www.aagaines.com/man/kris1.html)
Source: http://www.arco-iris.com/George/indonesia.htm
Sacred smith
The smith has been studied in world cultures and most often the position is either highly-regarded or despised. In some cases, castes and taboos arise with particular reference to the blacksmith.
In India, for example, metal-working is most closely associated with the tribal peoples, particularly those of the Vindhyas. Iron is considered the metal of the sudras, or lowest caste, while copper was assigned to the highest caste brahmins.
Iron tools were forbidden in Ancient Greek temples, and the Roman priests of Jupiter used bronze and avoided iron tools for cutting their hair and nails. This prohibition was passed on to the Frankish kings.
African society is nearly divided between pastoral peoples, particularly those who ride the horse, who hold the blacksmith as a pariah caste, and settled agricultural people who elevate the smith to nobility, priesthood and royalty.
Turko-Mongol peoples generally revered the blacksmith and two of their greatest heroes Temujin (Genghis Khan) and Timur both had names derived from the word for "blacksmith." The Ghuz Turks in particular where considered practically a blacksmithing people en masse at one time.
On the other hand, from Nepal to Tibet the blacksmith generally has the same low position as in India.
"Blacksmith" itself denotes a low status, and in medieval Europe the work was often assigned to semi-nomadic Gypsies.
Southeast Asian cultures generally fall into the category of cultures that revered blacksmiths, and placed iron very high if not at the top of the metal hierarchy. In old Java, the terms empu or kyai "lord, master" referred specifically only to the iron smith or later to the weapons-maker.
A prince who was not in the line of succession could favorably consider becoming a blacksmith in the region from Java to Mindanao in old-time culture.
Blacksmith shops acted also as communal meeting places and even temples, and the blacksmith often held an hereditary chiefly position in the community. Only the high nobility maintained their genealogies as carefully as the blacksmith.
Because the weapons of the smith were often considered also as sacred heirlooms and at times even the domains of one's ancestors, the forging process was particularly painstaking in detail. The master smith awaited special astrological conjunctions and signs to undertake each stage of the weapon-making process.
In some cases, a very precious kris could take many years or even the entire lifetime of the smith to complete.
A Maranao sultan's betel box with silver applique (above). Below is a betel box with silver inlay and strap. The Maranao were skilled silver and goldsmiths and even practiced their own indigenous form of dentistry. Gold teeth were implanted by cutting away the tooth, allowing the pulp to dry, and placing a silver core in the cleaned socket. A gold exterior was welded to the silver nail.(Source: http://www.lasieexotique.com/mag_betel.html)
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Blust, Robert A. "Linguistics versus archaeology : early Austronesian terms for metals," Archaeology and Language, 1999, pp. 127-143.
Combes, Francisco. Historia de Mindanao y Joló: por el p. Francisco Combés ... Obra publicada en Madrid en 1667, y que ahora con la colaboración del p. Pablo Pastells ... sanca nuevamente á luz W. E. Retana, Madrid: Viuda de M. Minuesa de los RÃos, 1897.
Higham, Charles. The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
___. The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press, 1996.
Kerr, Robert. General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels: Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time, W. Blackwood and T. Cadell, 1824.
Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China Volume V Part 2 Chemistry and Chemical Technology..., Oxford University Press, 1974.
Thursday, March 23, 2006
Glossary: Zambales Mountains (Sambal)
Zambales is the name of a mountain range and corresponding biogeographic zone along the eastern edge of Zambales Province in the Central Luzon region of the Philippines.
The Philippine islands are located between the northward-moving Philippine Sea Plate and the relatively stationary Asian region. The Zambales Mountains are formed at the subduction of the Asian plate at the Manila Trench. Mt. Pinatubo is the most well-known peak in this range.
An exposed area of ocean crust and mantle known as an ophiolite is found in Zambales. The Zambales Ophiolite boundary can easily be distinguished as the differing rock types of the ocean crust and mantle bring about contrasting vegetation. Two differing blocks within the ophiolite, the Coto and Acoje blocks, and evidence of lava mixing, give the Zambales area a highly heterogeneous geochemistry.
"We suggest that the array of geochemical data from the Zambales ophiolite can be explained in terms of processes observed in present-day convergent plate margins, such as the Marianas or Lau Basin in the western Pacific. Complicated plate boundaries which have existed for long periods of time, including closely opposing and changing subduction systems, the rifting of arcs, and the formation of backarc basins may result in the superposition of one lava type on another or may produce many small domains in the upper mantle sources for subduction-related lavas, some of which become extremely depleted or secondarily enriched. Magmas derived from such a heterogeneous mantle will display ranges in geochemical characteristics, possibly similar to those observed in the Zambales ophiolite." (Evans et al., 1991)
Mt. Pinatubo's 1991 eruption produced dacite lava consisting of a mixing of Zambales ophiolite melt with sub-arc mantle melt.
High variance in the geological makeup might help account for region's rich mineral resources. The area was known in early times for its magnetic iron deposits. More recently the Coto block of the ophiolite has become the world's largest producer of refractory chromite, and also a good source of platinum. Nickel and chromite are found at the Acoje block.
Dizon mine near the border with Pampanga is noted for its copper-gold-silver deposits. Non metallic minerals such as sandstones, Zambales jade, serpentine, pumice, white clay, rock aggregate, salt, stones, cobbles, boulders, and silica quartz are found in abundance.
Non-pumicitic lahar is a component of concrete mixes, while non-magnetic lahar is the primary component of fired "Lahar Porcelain."
Pinatubo's eruption expelled large quantities of sulfur dioxide into the atmosphere, the most ever recorded and nearly three times that of El Chinchon, its nearest competitor. Pumices in the area often have very high sulfur content. The source of all this sulfur is a matter of dispute. Some believe the sulfur may have been contained in remnants of previous sulfur-rich eruptions.
Source: http://www.environmentalprotectionofasia.com/masterplan/index.htm
Biodiversity
Despite it's relatively small land area, the Zambales Mountains have long been known for their natural beauty and biological diversity.
Although studies in this area are preliminary at best, some 61 endemic plants species have been found, of which 39 are endemic to Mt. Pinatubo alone.
About 50 species of moss thrive in the thick moss forests that were once considered inpenetrable. These forests have long been famed for their valuable tropical hardwoods, and today produce some of the most prized orchids in the international flower trade.
At one time, the area abounded in native deer species but these were wiped out during the colonization period due to deerskin trade with Japan and China. Now, the principal mammal species are monkeys, bats, including the Luzon pygmy fruit bat, and various rodents including a newly-discovered member of the tweezer-beaked Rhynchomys family.
Southern Zambales near Subic is the largest roosting refuge for bats in the world.
The town of Balincaguin in eastern Zambales, now known as Mabini, means "Home of Bats" in the native Sambal language.
The two largest bats in the world, the Golden-crowned Flying Fox (Acerodon jubatus) and the Giant Fruit Bat (Pteropus vampyrus), find their most important roosting ground in southern Zambales near Subic.
Source: http://www.ecologyasia.com/verts/mammals/large_flying_fox.htm
As might be expected in a rainforest region, Zambales is home to a dazzling variety of insects including many rare butterflies. At Subic, a tourist spot known as the "Butterfly Garden" showcases an enclosed butterfly farming exhibit.
While some areas of the vast Mt. Pinatubo watershed are still biologically sterile, most regions have recovered since lahar flows stopped in 1997. Aquatic ecosystems including fish, vegetation, insects, algae, crustaceans and the like have returned.
The greening of Mt. Pinatubo
With standing freshwater swamps and pools, Zambales is a paradise for reptiles and amphibians. At one time, frogs and snakes constituted the most important source of protein for some indigneous peoples living here.
Zambales western seacoast is an important marine conservation area with sea turtle nesting areas and mangrove forests. To the east, just south of the sister volcano Mt. Arayat are the Candaba wetlands, a major nesting area for migratory birds in the Philippines.
Indigenous peoples
The two indigenous peoples of the Zambales Mountains are the Ayta and Sambal. The Sambal live mostly in the northern part of the province while the Ayta live around Pinatubo.
Many Ayta were displaced after the 1991 eruption, but slowly some have been returning to the region. While most now practice root agriculture, they still have a fondness for hunting, and gathering honey, fruits and wild plants.
The Sambal, like the Ayta, fiercely resisted the Spanish invaders. Their conversion to Christianity was only accomplished through the rare implementation of the Inquistion in the Philippines. The Sambal priests continued to practice their old ways even after outwardly taking on Catholic practices.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Brown, R. M., J. W. Ferner, R. V. Sison, P. C. Gonzales, and R. S. Kennedy. 1996. Amphibians and reptiles of the Zambales mountains of Luzon Island, Philippines. Herpetological Natural History 4:1-17.
Evans, Cynthia A.; Casteneda, Gerry; Franco, Helen. "Geochemical complexities preserved in the volcanic rocks of the Zambales Ophiolite, Philippines," Journal of Geophysical Research, Volume 96, Issue B10, 1991, p. 16251-16262.
The Greening of Mt. Pinatubo, http://www.environmentalprotectionofasia.com/greenpinatubo/.
Yumul, G.P., Jr., 1996. Rare earth element geochemistry of a supra- subduction zone ophiolite: The Zambales Ophiolite Complex. Tectonophysics 262, 243-262.
The Philippine islands are located between the northward-moving Philippine Sea Plate and the relatively stationary Asian region. The Zambales Mountains are formed at the subduction of the Asian plate at the Manila Trench. Mt. Pinatubo is the most well-known peak in this range.
An exposed area of ocean crust and mantle known as an ophiolite is found in Zambales. The Zambales Ophiolite boundary can easily be distinguished as the differing rock types of the ocean crust and mantle bring about contrasting vegetation. Two differing blocks within the ophiolite, the Coto and Acoje blocks, and evidence of lava mixing, give the Zambales area a highly heterogeneous geochemistry.
"We suggest that the array of geochemical data from the Zambales ophiolite can be explained in terms of processes observed in present-day convergent plate margins, such as the Marianas or Lau Basin in the western Pacific. Complicated plate boundaries which have existed for long periods of time, including closely opposing and changing subduction systems, the rifting of arcs, and the formation of backarc basins may result in the superposition of one lava type on another or may produce many small domains in the upper mantle sources for subduction-related lavas, some of which become extremely depleted or secondarily enriched. Magmas derived from such a heterogeneous mantle will display ranges in geochemical characteristics, possibly similar to those observed in the Zambales ophiolite." (Evans et al., 1991)
Mt. Pinatubo's 1991 eruption produced dacite lava consisting of a mixing of Zambales ophiolite melt with sub-arc mantle melt.
High variance in the geological makeup might help account for region's rich mineral resources. The area was known in early times for its magnetic iron deposits. More recently the Coto block of the ophiolite has become the world's largest producer of refractory chromite, and also a good source of platinum. Nickel and chromite are found at the Acoje block.
Dizon mine near the border with Pampanga is noted for its copper-gold-silver deposits. Non metallic minerals such as sandstones, Zambales jade, serpentine, pumice, white clay, rock aggregate, salt, stones, cobbles, boulders, and silica quartz are found in abundance.
Non-pumicitic lahar is a component of concrete mixes, while non-magnetic lahar is the primary component of fired "Lahar Porcelain."
Pinatubo's eruption expelled large quantities of sulfur dioxide into the atmosphere, the most ever recorded and nearly three times that of El Chinchon, its nearest competitor. Pumices in the area often have very high sulfur content. The source of all this sulfur is a matter of dispute. Some believe the sulfur may have been contained in remnants of previous sulfur-rich eruptions.
Source: http://www.environmentalprotectionofasia.com/masterplan/index.htm
Biodiversity
Despite it's relatively small land area, the Zambales Mountains have long been known for their natural beauty and biological diversity.
Although studies in this area are preliminary at best, some 61 endemic plants species have been found, of which 39 are endemic to Mt. Pinatubo alone.
About 50 species of moss thrive in the thick moss forests that were once considered inpenetrable. These forests have long been famed for their valuable tropical hardwoods, and today produce some of the most prized orchids in the international flower trade.
At one time, the area abounded in native deer species but these were wiped out during the colonization period due to deerskin trade with Japan and China. Now, the principal mammal species are monkeys, bats, including the Luzon pygmy fruit bat, and various rodents including a newly-discovered member of the tweezer-beaked Rhynchomys family.
Southern Zambales near Subic is the largest roosting refuge for bats in the world.
The town of Balincaguin in eastern Zambales, now known as Mabini, means "Home of Bats" in the native Sambal language.
The two largest bats in the world, the Golden-crowned Flying Fox (Acerodon jubatus) and the Giant Fruit Bat (Pteropus vampyrus), find their most important roosting ground in southern Zambales near Subic.
Source: http://www.ecologyasia.com/verts/mammals/large_flying_fox.htm
As might be expected in a rainforest region, Zambales is home to a dazzling variety of insects including many rare butterflies. At Subic, a tourist spot known as the "Butterfly Garden" showcases an enclosed butterfly farming exhibit.
While some areas of the vast Mt. Pinatubo watershed are still biologically sterile, most regions have recovered since lahar flows stopped in 1997. Aquatic ecosystems including fish, vegetation, insects, algae, crustaceans and the like have returned.
The greening of Mt. Pinatubo
With standing freshwater swamps and pools, Zambales is a paradise for reptiles and amphibians. At one time, frogs and snakes constituted the most important source of protein for some indigneous peoples living here.
Zambales western seacoast is an important marine conservation area with sea turtle nesting areas and mangrove forests. To the east, just south of the sister volcano Mt. Arayat are the Candaba wetlands, a major nesting area for migratory birds in the Philippines.
Indigenous peoples
The two indigenous peoples of the Zambales Mountains are the Ayta and Sambal. The Sambal live mostly in the northern part of the province while the Ayta live around Pinatubo.
Many Ayta were displaced after the 1991 eruption, but slowly some have been returning to the region. While most now practice root agriculture, they still have a fondness for hunting, and gathering honey, fruits and wild plants.
The Sambal, like the Ayta, fiercely resisted the Spanish invaders. Their conversion to Christianity was only accomplished through the rare implementation of the Inquistion in the Philippines. The Sambal priests continued to practice their old ways even after outwardly taking on Catholic practices.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Brown, R. M., J. W. Ferner, R. V. Sison, P. C. Gonzales, and R. S. Kennedy. 1996. Amphibians and reptiles of the Zambales mountains of Luzon Island, Philippines. Herpetological Natural History 4:1-17.
Evans, Cynthia A.; Casteneda, Gerry; Franco, Helen. "Geochemical complexities preserved in the volcanic rocks of the Zambales Ophiolite, Philippines," Journal of Geophysical Research, Volume 96, Issue B10, 1991, p. 16251-16262.
The Greening of Mt. Pinatubo, http://www.environmentalprotectionofasia.com/greenpinatubo/.
Yumul, G.P., Jr., 1996. Rare earth element geochemistry of a supra- subduction zone ophiolite: The Zambales Ophiolite Complex. Tectonophysics 262, 243-262.
Saturday, March 18, 2006
Glossary: Magnetic Mountain
In the lore of the cosmic mountain and axis mundi we find repeatedly the theme of the "Magnetic Mountain" or the "Magnetic Isles." Other names include "Loadstone Mountain" and the "Great Loadstone."
Myths of the "whirling mountain" like Mount Mandara in the Sea of Milk may be related to the magnetic mountain theme where a whirling motion is also described.
Given the idea of magnetism and a whirling geography, late medieval writers in Europe naturally equated the Magnetic Mountain with the North Pole. However, the early references to this mysterious mountain place it instead in the "Indies."
Pliny mentions a magnetic mountain in this region during the first century. In the second century, Ptolemy identifies the ten magnetic isles of Maniolae in the Gangetic Gulf between Sri Lanka and the Malay Peninsula, where ships built with or carrying iron dare not approach.
Two centuries later we find in the Chinese text Nan Zhou Yi Wu Zhi, the mention of a similar place where only wood joint vessels should venture located in the extreme southern ocean off the coast of Tongking or Cochin-China (Giaochi). Muslim geographers like Kazwini and Idrisi mention the Loadstone Mountain and it is found in the tales of the Arabian Nights. In all cases, the geologic anomaly occurs in the "Far East" rather than in the North.
Roman de Ogier le Danois of the 14th century locates the Great Loadstone in Avalon "not far on this side of the terrestrial paradise, whither were rapt in a flame of fire Enock and Helios." Ogier is shipwrecked there after the iron nails and bolts of his vessel are pulled out by the areas's magnetic forces, and it is there he encounters Morgan le Fay. He also meets the fire-breathing fairy horse Papillon "famed for his skill and wisdom" with whom he returns to France from the Indies.
During the same century, John of Mandeville places the 'Adamant Islands' where ships use wooden pegs rather than iron nails in the eastern kingdom of Prester John.
Esoteric meaning
While the references to magnetic mountains or isles may be only an explanation of the wooden joint ships of the Indian Ocean, the theme often took on deeper meanings.
Arabic literature like the One Thousand and One Nights tell of a brazen/bronze horseman and brazen horse on the black, whirling Magnetic Mountain (The Story of the Third Kalendar). On the chest of the brazen horseman is a tablet of lead with mystical engraved names and talismans. A king is requested to climb the mountain and shoot the rider off the horse with his own lead arrows after which the sea will rise and engulf the mountain. After that the king was told he would be rescued by a man in a boat.
When the king accomplishes the tasks and shoots the brazen rider off his brass horse, the sea rises and swallows the mountain rendering it harmless to passing ships. In the approaching boat is a brazen man with a lead tablet on his chest engraved with names and talismans. The man rescues him and takes him back to his kingdom.
Medieval tales of Virgil the Magician, starting in Norman times, mention both the Magnetic Mountain and the brazen or bronze horse and horseman but in separate legends. Here the brazen horseman points with his brass lance toward the enemies of his kingdom.
Similar legends were told about the brass or bronze horseman mounted on the top of the Palace of the Green Dome of Caliph Mansur, the father of Harun al Rashid. In 1038, Khatib mentions this brass statue magically pointing toward the direction of impending attacks on the Caliphate. A similar brazen horseman was said to be found in Granada, Spain at the Hill of the Albaycin during Moorish rule.
The black mountain of the Arab tales was transferred as the Rupes Nigra in late medieval Europe to the North Pole. Eden also was moved to this location in this school of thinking playing on old legends of northernly or northwesternly journeys to the lush paradisical lands of Hyperborea and Avalon. There, people could frolic au naturel throughout the year. A type of supernatural explanation sometimes based on the magnetism of the Rupes Nigra itself explains the unusual suggested warmth in the polar region.
Taking the concept of the Great Loadstone to new heights, William Gilbert in his 1600 book De Magnete proposed a "magnetic philosophy" that ascribes an animistic spirit in all things to geomagnetism. One of the greatest proponents of this philosophy was Athanasius Kircher. A scientist, orientalist and occultist, Kircher spent years researching subterranean forces including the volcanoes of Etna, Stromboli and Vesuvius. He was even lowered into the crater of the latter volcano to study its dimensions. Kircher's two-volume Mundus Subterraneus was exceptionally highly regarded during his time.
Pinatubo and Magnetism
The Zambales (Sambal) range, where Mt. Pinatubo is found, is home to one of the world's major and best preserved ophiolites. An ophiolite is a geological formation that causes magnetic anomalies creating its own magnetic and gravity fields.
Most ophiolites have been broken into many parts by ocean action, but the Zambales ophiolite is a massive intact formation measuring 150 kilometers long and 40 kilometers wide. This area has long been known for its remarkably pure magnetic iron ores containing 75 to 80 percent metal.
Aside from the magnetism of the ophiolite and magnetic iron deposits, Zambales also contains large amounts of magnetic lahar deposited after Pinatubo's last eruption. Pinatubo is described, by Imai et al., as an "east-dipping subduction of the Eurasian plate at the Manila Trench." The Zambales Ophiolite acts as its basement rock.
Pinatubo magnetic dacite pumices are divided into strongly magnetic types known as ferromagnetic, and weakly magnetic types known as antiferromagnetic.
Most of the pumice and lithic deposits of Pinatubo have reversed magnetism with respect to the geomagnetic field direction. Some ancient stone deposits, however, have scattered natural remanent magnetization.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Beard, Charles R. Luck and Talismans: A Chapter of Popular Superstition, Kessinger Publishing, 2004.
Bina, M., J. C. Tanguy, V. Hoffmann, M. Prévot, E. L. Listanco, R. Keller, K. Th. Fehr, A. T. Goguitchaïchvili & R. S. Punongbayan. "A detailed magnetic and mineralogical study of self-reversed dacitic pumices from the 1991 Pinatubo eruption (Philippines)," Geophysical Journal International, Volume 138, July 1999, p. 159.
Dimalanta, C.B., Yumul,G.P.,Jr., De Jesus, J.V. and Faustino, D.V., 1999. Magnetic and gravity fields in southern Zambales: Implications on the evolution of the Zambales Ophiolite Complex, Luzon, Philippines. Geol. Soc. Malaysia Bull. 43, 537-543.
Imai,Akira, Eddie L. Listanco, and Toshitsugu Fujii. "Highly Oxidized and Sulfur-Rich Dacitic Magma of Mount Pinatubo: Implication for Metallogenesis of Porphyry Copper Mineralization in the Western Luzon Arc," FIRE and MUD: Eruptions and Lahars of Mount Pinatubo, Philippines, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/contents.html, 1999.
Myths of the "whirling mountain" like Mount Mandara in the Sea of Milk may be related to the magnetic mountain theme where a whirling motion is also described.
Given the idea of magnetism and a whirling geography, late medieval writers in Europe naturally equated the Magnetic Mountain with the North Pole. However, the early references to this mysterious mountain place it instead in the "Indies."
Pliny mentions a magnetic mountain in this region during the first century. In the second century, Ptolemy identifies the ten magnetic isles of Maniolae in the Gangetic Gulf between Sri Lanka and the Malay Peninsula, where ships built with or carrying iron dare not approach.
Two centuries later we find in the Chinese text Nan Zhou Yi Wu Zhi, the mention of a similar place where only wood joint vessels should venture located in the extreme southern ocean off the coast of Tongking or Cochin-China (Giaochi). Muslim geographers like Kazwini and Idrisi mention the Loadstone Mountain and it is found in the tales of the Arabian Nights. In all cases, the geologic anomaly occurs in the "Far East" rather than in the North.
Roman de Ogier le Danois of the 14th century locates the Great Loadstone in Avalon "not far on this side of the terrestrial paradise, whither were rapt in a flame of fire Enock and Helios." Ogier is shipwrecked there after the iron nails and bolts of his vessel are pulled out by the areas's magnetic forces, and it is there he encounters Morgan le Fay. He also meets the fire-breathing fairy horse Papillon "famed for his skill and wisdom" with whom he returns to France from the Indies.
During the same century, John of Mandeville places the 'Adamant Islands' where ships use wooden pegs rather than iron nails in the eastern kingdom of Prester John.
Esoteric meaning
While the references to magnetic mountains or isles may be only an explanation of the wooden joint ships of the Indian Ocean, the theme often took on deeper meanings.
Arabic literature like the One Thousand and One Nights tell of a brazen/bronze horseman and brazen horse on the black, whirling Magnetic Mountain (The Story of the Third Kalendar). On the chest of the brazen horseman is a tablet of lead with mystical engraved names and talismans. A king is requested to climb the mountain and shoot the rider off the horse with his own lead arrows after which the sea will rise and engulf the mountain. After that the king was told he would be rescued by a man in a boat.
When the king accomplishes the tasks and shoots the brazen rider off his brass horse, the sea rises and swallows the mountain rendering it harmless to passing ships. In the approaching boat is a brazen man with a lead tablet on his chest engraved with names and talismans. The man rescues him and takes him back to his kingdom.
Medieval tales of Virgil the Magician, starting in Norman times, mention both the Magnetic Mountain and the brazen or bronze horse and horseman but in separate legends. Here the brazen horseman points with his brass lance toward the enemies of his kingdom.
Similar legends were told about the brass or bronze horseman mounted on the top of the Palace of the Green Dome of Caliph Mansur, the father of Harun al Rashid. In 1038, Khatib mentions this brass statue magically pointing toward the direction of impending attacks on the Caliphate. A similar brazen horseman was said to be found in Granada, Spain at the Hill of the Albaycin during Moorish rule.
The black mountain of the Arab tales was transferred as the Rupes Nigra in late medieval Europe to the North Pole. Eden also was moved to this location in this school of thinking playing on old legends of northernly or northwesternly journeys to the lush paradisical lands of Hyperborea and Avalon. There, people could frolic au naturel throughout the year. A type of supernatural explanation sometimes based on the magnetism of the Rupes Nigra itself explains the unusual suggested warmth in the polar region.
Taking the concept of the Great Loadstone to new heights, William Gilbert in his 1600 book De Magnete proposed a "magnetic philosophy" that ascribes an animistic spirit in all things to geomagnetism. One of the greatest proponents of this philosophy was Athanasius Kircher. A scientist, orientalist and occultist, Kircher spent years researching subterranean forces including the volcanoes of Etna, Stromboli and Vesuvius. He was even lowered into the crater of the latter volcano to study its dimensions. Kircher's two-volume Mundus Subterraneus was exceptionally highly regarded during his time.
Pinatubo and Magnetism
The Zambales (Sambal) range, where Mt. Pinatubo is found, is home to one of the world's major and best preserved ophiolites. An ophiolite is a geological formation that causes magnetic anomalies creating its own magnetic and gravity fields.
Most ophiolites have been broken into many parts by ocean action, but the Zambales ophiolite is a massive intact formation measuring 150 kilometers long and 40 kilometers wide. This area has long been known for its remarkably pure magnetic iron ores containing 75 to 80 percent metal.
Aside from the magnetism of the ophiolite and magnetic iron deposits, Zambales also contains large amounts of magnetic lahar deposited after Pinatubo's last eruption. Pinatubo is described, by Imai et al., as an "east-dipping subduction of the Eurasian plate at the Manila Trench." The Zambales Ophiolite acts as its basement rock.
Pinatubo magnetic dacite pumices are divided into strongly magnetic types known as ferromagnetic, and weakly magnetic types known as antiferromagnetic.
Most of the pumice and lithic deposits of Pinatubo have reversed magnetism with respect to the geomagnetic field direction. Some ancient stone deposits, however, have scattered natural remanent magnetization.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Beard, Charles R. Luck and Talismans: A Chapter of Popular Superstition, Kessinger Publishing, 2004.
Bina, M., J. C. Tanguy, V. Hoffmann, M. Prévot, E. L. Listanco, R. Keller, K. Th. Fehr, A. T. Goguitchaïchvili & R. S. Punongbayan. "A detailed magnetic and mineralogical study of self-reversed dacitic pumices from the 1991 Pinatubo eruption (Philippines)," Geophysical Journal International, Volume 138, July 1999, p. 159.
Dimalanta, C.B., Yumul,G.P.,Jr., De Jesus, J.V. and Faustino, D.V., 1999. Magnetic and gravity fields in southern Zambales: Implications on the evolution of the Zambales Ophiolite Complex, Luzon, Philippines. Geol. Soc. Malaysia Bull. 43, 537-543.
Imai,Akira, Eddie L. Listanco, and Toshitsugu Fujii. "Highly Oxidized and Sulfur-Rich Dacitic Magma of Mount Pinatubo: Implication for Metallogenesis of Porphyry Copper Mineralization in the Western Luzon Arc," FIRE and MUD: Eruptions and Lahars of Mount Pinatubo, Philippines, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/contents.html, 1999.
Tuesday, March 14, 2006
Glossary: Urbanization, Southeast Asian
According to research by Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia during the 17th century had 5 percent of its population living in urban areas, a rate higher than that of contemporary Europe. The largest of these cities had populations ranging from 100,000 to 800,000, thus as large or larger than the largest cities of Europe during that time.
Alternately, in States without Cities: Demographic Trends in Early Java, Jan Wisseman Christie notes that the famed Javanese port towns of the 16th century were mostly small with many having less than 2,000 permanent residents. These ports also experienced extreme shifts in population possibly explained by seasonal migration of residents, as in modern fishing towns/villages, and by economic conditions.
The process of Southeast Asian urbanization likely started with the city-less state model based on aquatic/marine culture, hydraulic/maritime engineering and either rural sprawl or ports highly dependent on foreign exports and surrounded by forest. The social organization of these states has likely survived to some extent in the adat or customary law still practiced in some areas to this day.
Insular Southeast Asia throughout its history held more to the city-less state model, perhaps due to the maritime nature of its populations, while mainland Southeast Asia built some of great metropolis of the pre-modern world.
States without cities
Unfortunately, due to the regional environment, little archaeological evidence remains to tell us of the earliest population centers. Only those areas were the ancient culture was preserved as in the mountains of northern Luzon and Bali, do we have living clues of this culture.
Volcanoes, typhoons and monsoons tend to cover or wash away that which was abandoned. Christie notes, for example, regarding the situation in Java: "... in the region between Yogyakarta and Solo, sites of the late first millennium C.E. have been buried under layers of lahar ranging in depth from two to seven meters in some areas, and almost no surface finds of material from the period are found in this area. Similar problems are caused in the east Javanese heartland by volcanic activity in the Malang uplands and adjacent areas, and by flood-borne alluvium in the Brantas delta."
However, from what can be gleaned from the living examples and from reconstruction of linguistic evidence, the earliest cultures in the area organized their societies around natural and artificial waterways. The aquatic culture and hydraulic engineering of later cities like Angkor and Ayutthaya have their model in this ancient practice.
Christie's study suggests that the population of Java during the early colonial period had been severely underestimated by a lack of understanding of regional rural communities. Instead of developing urban centers, growing populations increased the size of their rural settlements: "Not only did villages apparently grow at the expense of larger enclaves, but the data suggest that as villages grew they tended frequently to break down into two or more nucleated hamlets rather than acquire the characteristics of small towns."
By the end of the 17th century, well-known ports like Malacca and Makassar had only 5,000 inhabitants each. Census data show sharp fluctuation in population counts over time indicating that the people were highly mobile.
In many cases it appears that Europeans and locals defined "city" quite differently. For example, Rajah Soliman of Luzon had as his chief title, King of Manila, but it would appear that the walled portion of that city was nothing more than the fortified center of a mostly rural city-state.
When the Spanish landed in the Philippines in the 16th century, the average size of a village was about 500 people, not terribly smaller than most important ports throughout the Malay Archipelago at this time. These villages in certain areas were located within easy walking distance of each other with only agricultural land and no forest in-between.
Such communities were linked by extensive and complex trade networks. Many important ports at this time, for example, were completely dependent on their rice staples from external sources.
In many instances, the village networks resembled those of the port thalassocracies in that geographical proximity was not always the best indicator of trade relationships.
The First Cities
One should not suppose that the Indianization process led to rapid urbanization. It did lead to the adoption of Indian temple culture merged with local religious concepts. However, early "cities" like Vyadhapura of Funan, and Panduranga and Indrapura of Champa appear probably as nothing more than temple complexes.
There is no reason to believe they sustained populations that would be considered truly urban even for the periods involved. Funan and Champa must be considered early states without cities.
Fabulous Borobodur and surrounding temples were located in an environment of agricultural villages, plantations and groves.
One could argue that it was not until the strong emplacement of monastic tradition that the process of true urbanization began, mainly concentrated in mainland Southeast Asia.
Plan of the Khmer city of Angkor, Cambodia. Angkor Wat temple can be seen in the foreground. Note the rectangular reservoirs that feed the city's canal system. (Source: http://www.angkorvat.com/)
Temple of Angkor Wat. Notice the size of the people in the courtyards. (Source: http://gorillatales.com/KhmerTales/)
Khmer kings of the ninth century embarked on the building of the first Southeast Asian "water cities."
Indigenous ideas of the temple-mountain and urban waterways were fused with the monastic sangha and Indian temple architecture. The divine king created the metropolis as a national "heaven on earth."
Interestingly, one of the earlier types of this water plan that has been discovered is Nan Madol located in the middle of the Pacific Ocean in Micronesia. Like Angkor, Nan Madol was crisscrossed by a grid of interlocking canals.
Khmer city planning had a strong impact on Southeast Asia as a whole, but especially on the mainland. Homes and buildings were perched near or on the water. City designers strived for an harmonious blending of artifical and natural features.
Siam and Burma in particular followed the Khmer model adding their own innovations.
Ruins of Pagan, Myanmar. (Source: http://www.buddhistnews.tv/)
A 1740 map of Ayutthaya in Thailand. The superimposed triangles show temple locations both within the map region and in nearby areas. (Source: www.gisc.berkeley.edu/projects/ayutthaya.htm)
17th century painting of water parade at Ayutthaya. Source: http://escati.com/)
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Christie, Jan Wisseman. "States without Cities: Demographic Trends in Early Java, Indonesia," Indonesia 52 (October 1991), 23-40.
O'Connor, Richard A . A theory of indigenous Southeast Asian urbanism, Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1983.
Reid, A.J.S. "The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 11,2 (1980): 235-50.
Ts'ui-Jung Liu, James et al. Asian Population History, Oxford University Press, 2001.
Wheatley, Paul. Nagara and commandery: Origins of the Southeast Asian urban traditions, Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1983.
Alternately, in States without Cities: Demographic Trends in Early Java, Jan Wisseman Christie notes that the famed Javanese port towns of the 16th century were mostly small with many having less than 2,000 permanent residents. These ports also experienced extreme shifts in population possibly explained by seasonal migration of residents, as in modern fishing towns/villages, and by economic conditions.
The process of Southeast Asian urbanization likely started with the city-less state model based on aquatic/marine culture, hydraulic/maritime engineering and either rural sprawl or ports highly dependent on foreign exports and surrounded by forest. The social organization of these states has likely survived to some extent in the adat or customary law still practiced in some areas to this day.
Insular Southeast Asia throughout its history held more to the city-less state model, perhaps due to the maritime nature of its populations, while mainland Southeast Asia built some of great metropolis of the pre-modern world.
States without cities
Unfortunately, due to the regional environment, little archaeological evidence remains to tell us of the earliest population centers. Only those areas were the ancient culture was preserved as in the mountains of northern Luzon and Bali, do we have living clues of this culture.
Volcanoes, typhoons and monsoons tend to cover or wash away that which was abandoned. Christie notes, for example, regarding the situation in Java: "... in the region between Yogyakarta and Solo, sites of the late first millennium C.E. have been buried under layers of lahar ranging in depth from two to seven meters in some areas, and almost no surface finds of material from the period are found in this area. Similar problems are caused in the east Javanese heartland by volcanic activity in the Malang uplands and adjacent areas, and by flood-borne alluvium in the Brantas delta."
However, from what can be gleaned from the living examples and from reconstruction of linguistic evidence, the earliest cultures in the area organized their societies around natural and artificial waterways. The aquatic culture and hydraulic engineering of later cities like Angkor and Ayutthaya have their model in this ancient practice.
Christie's study suggests that the population of Java during the early colonial period had been severely underestimated by a lack of understanding of regional rural communities. Instead of developing urban centers, growing populations increased the size of their rural settlements: "Not only did villages apparently grow at the expense of larger enclaves, but the data suggest that as villages grew they tended frequently to break down into two or more nucleated hamlets rather than acquire the characteristics of small towns."
By the end of the 17th century, well-known ports like Malacca and Makassar had only 5,000 inhabitants each. Census data show sharp fluctuation in population counts over time indicating that the people were highly mobile.
In many cases it appears that Europeans and locals defined "city" quite differently. For example, Rajah Soliman of Luzon had as his chief title, King of Manila, but it would appear that the walled portion of that city was nothing more than the fortified center of a mostly rural city-state.
When the Spanish landed in the Philippines in the 16th century, the average size of a village was about 500 people, not terribly smaller than most important ports throughout the Malay Archipelago at this time. These villages in certain areas were located within easy walking distance of each other with only agricultural land and no forest in-between.
Such communities were linked by extensive and complex trade networks. Many important ports at this time, for example, were completely dependent on their rice staples from external sources.
In many instances, the village networks resembled those of the port thalassocracies in that geographical proximity was not always the best indicator of trade relationships.
The First Cities
One should not suppose that the Indianization process led to rapid urbanization. It did lead to the adoption of Indian temple culture merged with local religious concepts. However, early "cities" like Vyadhapura of Funan, and Panduranga and Indrapura of Champa appear probably as nothing more than temple complexes.
There is no reason to believe they sustained populations that would be considered truly urban even for the periods involved. Funan and Champa must be considered early states without cities.
Fabulous Borobodur and surrounding temples were located in an environment of agricultural villages, plantations and groves.
One could argue that it was not until the strong emplacement of monastic tradition that the process of true urbanization began, mainly concentrated in mainland Southeast Asia.
Plan of the Khmer city of Angkor, Cambodia. Angkor Wat temple can be seen in the foreground. Note the rectangular reservoirs that feed the city's canal system. (Source: http://www.angkorvat.com/)
Temple of Angkor Wat. Notice the size of the people in the courtyards. (Source: http://gorillatales.com/KhmerTales/)
Khmer kings of the ninth century embarked on the building of the first Southeast Asian "water cities."
Indigenous ideas of the temple-mountain and urban waterways were fused with the monastic sangha and Indian temple architecture. The divine king created the metropolis as a national "heaven on earth."
Interestingly, one of the earlier types of this water plan that has been discovered is Nan Madol located in the middle of the Pacific Ocean in Micronesia. Like Angkor, Nan Madol was crisscrossed by a grid of interlocking canals.
Khmer city planning had a strong impact on Southeast Asia as a whole, but especially on the mainland. Homes and buildings were perched near or on the water. City designers strived for an harmonious blending of artifical and natural features.
Siam and Burma in particular followed the Khmer model adding their own innovations.
Ruins of Pagan, Myanmar. (Source: http://www.buddhistnews.tv/)
A 1740 map of Ayutthaya in Thailand. The superimposed triangles show temple locations both within the map region and in nearby areas. (Source: www.gisc.berkeley.edu/projects/ayutthaya.htm)
17th century painting of water parade at Ayutthaya. Source: http://escati.com/)
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Christie, Jan Wisseman. "States without Cities: Demographic Trends in Early Java, Indonesia," Indonesia 52 (October 1991), 23-40.
O'Connor, Richard A . A theory of indigenous Southeast Asian urbanism, Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1983.
Reid, A.J.S. "The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 11,2 (1980): 235-50.
Ts'ui-Jung Liu, James et al. Asian Population History, Oxford University Press, 2001.
Wheatley, Paul. Nagara and commandery: Origins of the Southeast Asian urban traditions, Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1983.
Tuesday, March 07, 2006
Glossary: Horse in Southern Asia
In anthropological and historical literature, the horse is most often viewed as a Central Asian domesticate diffused by "Aryans."
However, research now shows that the horse was likely domesticated independently in different areas of the world. Extensive matrilines older than those of most domesticated animals can be found in today's horses.
For the purpose of this work, the horse of southern Asia is most important.
During the Pleistocene, two types of horses inhabited the tropical Asian region. From the Siwalik range in India came Equus sivalensis, and across the Himalayas to the East Equus yunnanensis was found in Yunnan, Burma and Guangxi.
A study in 1994 showed that even in a small region of Yunnan province there was exceptional diversity of mtDNA lineages (Wang W, Liu AH, Lin SY, Lan H, Su B, Xie DW, Shi LM. "Multiple genotypes of mitochondrial DNA within a horse population from a small region in Yunnan Province of China." Biochem Genet., 1994 Oct;32(9-10):371-8.)
Local adaptation
Such data can be interpreted to suggest that modern domestic horses in the region have some ancestry from ancient Equus yunnanensis that survived until displaced by domesticated breeds. Another factor that would point in the same direction is the existence of Southeast Asian horses with extensive resistance to tropical disease and
parasites.
Feral horses have been present in regions like southeastern Indonesia as far back as history records, once offering profits for traders who supplied them to the Dutch army during colonial times. These horses thrive in conditions in which most well-known breeds would not survive.
Such immunity can take extended periods of time to develop with gradual adaptation to tropical environments by expanding populations. This can best be explained by horses like Equus sivalensis and Equus yunnanensis.
For example, during Muslim times the kings of southern India spent enormous sums attempting to maintain stocks of Arabian horses. The latter types were accustomed to the arid environment of the Arabian desert, and most did not last long in South India's wet humid climate. Merchants from Aden and Oman made huge sums off this trade, and by Marco Polo's time it appeared as one of the main sources of income in these regions.
Likewise attempts at breeding purebred horses and other livestock for tropical environments over the last few centuries have failed. The only effective technique has been to crossbreed with animals that are already tropically-adapted.
E. sivalensis
In the Neolithic strata of Lemery, Batangas in the Philippines dating back to 8000-4000 BCE, horse remains were found that may be related to the present-day Sulu Horse. The latter breed retains traits characteristic of Equus sivalensis including concave facial profile, 17 rib pairs, pre-orbital depression, fine limbs, short-pillared teeth and large first pre-molars of the upper jaw.
The Sulu Horse represents the type found in the southern Philippines, the Moluccas and Borneo and is similar to other Southeast Asian horses in size and build with all more or less of the pony type.
The physical diversity of horses in the Malay Archipelago was commented upon by Charles Darwin in his book The Variation of Animals and Plants Under Domestication (v.1, p.33):
Pleistocene fauna in the Upper Irrawady of Burma largely represents an expansion from the Siwalik fauna, so there may be a direct relationship between E. sivalensis and E. yunnanensis. The latter however might have been derived instead or additionaly from Equus sanmenensis of North China. The Yuanmou fauna of Yunnan and Upper Irrawady fauna of Burma eventually expanded throughout Southeast Asia.
Asvamedha Horse
Vedic literature, including the Rgveda and Yajurveda, mention that the horse used in the royal Asvamedha sacrifice had 34 ribs (17 rib pairs) and six lumbar vertebrae. This matches the fossils of Equus sivalensis. Portrayal of horses in early Indian art also display the concave profile and pre-orbital depression of E. sivalensis. These horses are of the classic pony-like build of southern Asian types.
Bronze drums of Sangeang in Indonesia dating from the Dongson period show horses with a very similar phenotype.
Vedic literature describes the horse as sea-born or as coming from beyond the sea.
The divine horse of Indra arises from the Ocean of Milk during the churning episode. An oceanic origin for the horse also occurs in Greek myth where the sea god Poseidon is said to create the equine race.
A great fiery mare's head is said to be located in the Ramayana in the farthest East underneath the sea, or in latter literature near the South Pole, again beneath the sea.
An Arabic tale in the One Thousand and One Nights tells of the Isle of Mares in the kingdom of the Mihraj, in the very Ocean of Milk. Sindibad hears of the mysterious stallions that come from the sea to mate with mares on that island:
Possibly the story refers to a practice of attracting stallions from nearby small islands to swim across the water for breeding purposes.
Horses of Yunnan
The emperor Wu Ti of the Han dynasty sent expeditions to Yunnan about a century before the common era. At this time, the region was already known for its high quality horses.
Chinese texts like the Hua Yang Guo Zhi and Hou Han Shu from the Western Han period describe the horses of Yunnan as shenma "divine horses."
During the T'ang dynasty, some southern Yunnan horses were priced at dozens of taels of gold.
By the Sung dynasty, the Dian-Zang Cha-Ma Gudao (Ancient Tea Horse Caravan Road) was opened between Yunnan and Tibet. Here the Chinese traded tea for the valuable Yunnan, Tibetan and Burmese horses.
When Marco Polo visited the region he commented repeatedly on the "excellent horses" of the Lolo and Shan peoples from Yunnan and from a kingdom called Anin, somewhere between Annam in northern Vietnam and far southeastern Yunnan. Horses from these regions were said to be exported to India.
Short horses from Yunnan. Chinese sources tell of the dazzling variety of horses from the region. (Source: Yunnan Photos)
The word "large" (Old French grant) above is better translated as "great" probably referring to the quality rather than size of the horse. Throughout the ages the horses in this region were described as small in size.
Horses from the Sea
Starting in the 14th century, Mongol and Manchu armies in the north continually threatened the Ming dynasty of China prompting them to seek horses from yet newer sources.
Across the sea, the kingdoms of Lusung (Central Luzon), Liukiu (Okinawa/Ryukyu), P'ing-ka-shi-lan (Pangasinan, Luzon) and Sulu became these new sources in the horse trade.
The "excellent" and "small but sturdy" horses from this region were imported repeatedly and also brought as "tribute." Lusung officially brought horses as tribute twice in 1372 and 1408.
These nimble hardy horses were well-suited for patroling treacherous terrain or atop of the Great Wall.
Horses and riders from Taal volcano, Philippines (Source: http://home.gci.net/~cwm/philippine_photos.htm)
Earlier Muslim works tell of the warrior princesses of Wakwak and Tawalisi who were expert "horsemen." The Chinese sources stated that the people of Toupo (Wakwak) were fond of horse meat, while Buzurg ibn Shahriyar said the horse bits in Wakwak were made of gold. However, it was not until Ming times that horses began coming across the sea to China.
When the Portuguese and Dutch landed in this region during the 16th century they relied largely on the feral and domestic horses of eastern Indonesia for their stables. Horses from the island of Timor were important in producing Australian horse breeds with special toughness and endurance.
Not generally known is the importance of the horse in the symbolic and ritual culture of insular Southeast Asia. The horse motif both with and without rider appears frequently on sacred textiles throughout this region.
"Horse blankets" are signs of nobility and royalty in many areas. Sulu and Badjao grave markers are known as "horses" (kurakura). The horse sacrifice is found both here and in mainland Southeast Asia as both a chiefly/royal and mortuary ritual.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Chakravarti, Ranabir. “Horse Trade and Piracy at Tana (Thana, Maharashtra, India): Gleanings from Marco Polo”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (Leiden) 34, pt.2 (Jun 1991): 159-182.
Fang Qian and Guoxing Zhou (editors). Quaternary Geology and Paleoanthropology of Yuanmou, Yunnan, China, translated by Will Downs, Northern Arizona University, March, 1993.
Maxwell, Robyn. Textiles of Southeast Asia: Tradition, Trade and Transformation, Tuttle Publishing, 2003.
Yang, Bin. "Horses, Silver, and Cowries: Yunnan in Global Perspective," Journal of World History, vol. 15, 3, Sept. 2004.
However, research now shows that the horse was likely domesticated independently in different areas of the world. Extensive matrilines older than those of most domesticated animals can be found in today's horses.
For the purpose of this work, the horse of southern Asia is most important.
During the Pleistocene, two types of horses inhabited the tropical Asian region. From the Siwalik range in India came Equus sivalensis, and across the Himalayas to the East Equus yunnanensis was found in Yunnan, Burma and Guangxi.
A study in 1994 showed that even in a small region of Yunnan province there was exceptional diversity of mtDNA lineages (Wang W, Liu AH, Lin SY, Lan H, Su B, Xie DW, Shi LM. "Multiple genotypes of mitochondrial DNA within a horse population from a small region in Yunnan Province of China." Biochem Genet., 1994 Oct;32(9-10):371-8.)
Local adaptation
Such data can be interpreted to suggest that modern domestic horses in the region have some ancestry from ancient Equus yunnanensis that survived until displaced by domesticated breeds. Another factor that would point in the same direction is the existence of Southeast Asian horses with extensive resistance to tropical disease and
parasites.
Feral horses have been present in regions like southeastern Indonesia as far back as history records, once offering profits for traders who supplied them to the Dutch army during colonial times. These horses thrive in conditions in which most well-known breeds would not survive.
Such immunity can take extended periods of time to develop with gradual adaptation to tropical environments by expanding populations. This can best be explained by horses like Equus sivalensis and Equus yunnanensis.
For example, during Muslim times the kings of southern India spent enormous sums attempting to maintain stocks of Arabian horses. The latter types were accustomed to the arid environment of the Arabian desert, and most did not last long in South India's wet humid climate. Merchants from Aden and Oman made huge sums off this trade, and by Marco Polo's time it appeared as one of the main sources of income in these regions.
Likewise attempts at breeding purebred horses and other livestock for tropical environments over the last few centuries have failed. The only effective technique has been to crossbreed with animals that are already tropically-adapted.
E. sivalensis
In the Neolithic strata of Lemery, Batangas in the Philippines dating back to 8000-4000 BCE, horse remains were found that may be related to the present-day Sulu Horse. The latter breed retains traits characteristic of Equus sivalensis including concave facial profile, 17 rib pairs, pre-orbital depression, fine limbs, short-pillared teeth and large first pre-molars of the upper jaw.
The Sulu Horse represents the type found in the southern Philippines, the Moluccas and Borneo and is similar to other Southeast Asian horses in size and build with all more or less of the pony type.
The physical diversity of horses in the Malay Archipelago was commented upon by Charles Darwin in his book The Variation of Animals and Plants Under Domestication (v.1, p.33):
Looking only to the native ponies of Great Britain, those of the Shetland Isles, Wales, the New Forest, and Devonshire are distinguishable; and so it is, amongst other instances, with each separate island in the great Malay archipelago. (2/3. Crawfurd 'Descript. Dict. of Indian Islands' 1856 page 153. "There are many different breeds, every island having at least one peculiar to it." Thus in Sumatra there are at least two breeds; in Achin and Batubara one; in Java several breeds; one in Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa (one of the best breeds), Tambora, Bima, Gunung-api, Celebes, Sumba, and Philippines. Other breeds are specified by Zollinger in the 'Journal of the Indian Archipelago' volume 5 page 343 etc.) Some of the breeds present great differences in size, shape of ears, length of mane, proportions of the body, form of the withers and hind quarters, and especially in the head.
Pleistocene fauna in the Upper Irrawady of Burma largely represents an expansion from the Siwalik fauna, so there may be a direct relationship between E. sivalensis and E. yunnanensis. The latter however might have been derived instead or additionaly from Equus sanmenensis of North China. The Yuanmou fauna of Yunnan and Upper Irrawady fauna of Burma eventually expanded throughout Southeast Asia.
Asvamedha Horse
Vedic literature, including the Rgveda and Yajurveda, mention that the horse used in the royal Asvamedha sacrifice had 34 ribs (17 rib pairs) and six lumbar vertebrae. This matches the fossils of Equus sivalensis. Portrayal of horses in early Indian art also display the concave profile and pre-orbital depression of E. sivalensis. These horses are of the classic pony-like build of southern Asian types.
Bronze drums of Sangeang in Indonesia dating from the Dongson period show horses with a very similar phenotype.
Vedic literature describes the horse as sea-born or as coming from beyond the sea.
The divine horse of Indra arises from the Ocean of Milk during the churning episode. An oceanic origin for the horse also occurs in Greek myth where the sea god Poseidon is said to create the equine race.
A great fiery mare's head is said to be located in the Ramayana in the farthest East underneath the sea, or in latter literature near the South Pole, again beneath the sea.
An Arabic tale in the One Thousand and One Nights tells of the Isle of Mares in the kingdom of the Mihraj, in the very Ocean of Milk. Sindibad hears of the mysterious stallions that come from the sea to mate with mares on that island:
Know that I am one of the several who are, stationed in different parts of this island, and we are of the grooms of King Mihrjan, and under our hand are all his horses. Every month about new-moon tide we bring hither our best mares which have never been covered, and picket them on the seashore and hide ourselves in this place under the ground, so that none may espy us. Presently the stallions of the sea scent the mares and come up out of the water and, seeing no one, leap the mares and do their will of them. When they have covered them, they try to drag them away with them, but cannot, by reason of the leg ropes. So they cry out at them and butt at them and kick them, which we hearing, know that the stallions have dismounted, so we run out and shout at them, whereupon they are startled and return in fear to the sea. Then the mares conceive by them and bear colts and fillies worth a mint of money, nor is their like to be found on earth's face.
--Alf Layla wa-Layla (v. 6, translated by Richard F. Burton)
Possibly the story refers to a practice of attracting stallions from nearby small islands to swim across the water for breeding purposes.
Horses of Yunnan
The emperor Wu Ti of the Han dynasty sent expeditions to Yunnan about a century before the common era. At this time, the region was already known for its high quality horses.
Chinese texts like the Hua Yang Guo Zhi and Hou Han Shu from the Western Han period describe the horses of Yunnan as shenma "divine horses."
During the T'ang dynasty, some southern Yunnan horses were priced at dozens of taels of gold.
By the Sung dynasty, the Dian-Zang Cha-Ma Gudao (Ancient Tea Horse Caravan Road) was opened between Yunnan and Tibet. Here the Chinese traded tea for the valuable Yunnan, Tibetan and Burmese horses.
When Marco Polo visited the region he commented repeatedly on the "excellent horses" of the Lolo and Shan peoples from Yunnan and from a kingdom called Anin, somewhere between Annam in northern Vietnam and far southeastern Yunnan. Horses from these regions were said to be exported to India.
In this province [Shan kingdom of Yunnan] also are bred large and excellent horses which are taken to India for sale. And you must know that the people dock two or three joints of the tail from their horses, to prevent them from flipping their riders, a thing which they consider very unseemly. They ride long like Frenchmen, and wear armour of boiled leather, and carry spears and shields and arblasts, and all their quarrels are poisoned.
-- The Travels of Marco Polo, Volume 2, by Marco Polo and Rustichello of Pisa, et al, Edited by Henry Yule and Henri Cordier
Short horses from Yunnan. Chinese sources tell of the dazzling variety of horses from the region. (Source: Yunnan Photos)
The word "large" (Old French grant) above is better translated as "great" probably referring to the quality rather than size of the horse. Throughout the ages the horses in this region were described as small in size.
Horses from the Sea
Starting in the 14th century, Mongol and Manchu armies in the north continually threatened the Ming dynasty of China prompting them to seek horses from yet newer sources.
Across the sea, the kingdoms of Lusung (Central Luzon), Liukiu (Okinawa/Ryukyu), P'ing-ka-shi-lan (Pangasinan, Luzon) and Sulu became these new sources in the horse trade.
The "excellent" and "small but sturdy" horses from this region were imported repeatedly and also brought as "tribute." Lusung officially brought horses as tribute twice in 1372 and 1408.
These nimble hardy horses were well-suited for patroling treacherous terrain or atop of the Great Wall.
Horses and riders from Taal volcano, Philippines (Source: http://home.gci.net/~cwm/philippine_photos.htm)
Earlier Muslim works tell of the warrior princesses of Wakwak and Tawalisi who were expert "horsemen." The Chinese sources stated that the people of Toupo (Wakwak) were fond of horse meat, while Buzurg ibn Shahriyar said the horse bits in Wakwak were made of gold. However, it was not until Ming times that horses began coming across the sea to China.
When the Portuguese and Dutch landed in this region during the 16th century they relied largely on the feral and domestic horses of eastern Indonesia for their stables. Horses from the island of Timor were important in producing Australian horse breeds with special toughness and endurance.
Not generally known is the importance of the horse in the symbolic and ritual culture of insular Southeast Asia. The horse motif both with and without rider appears frequently on sacred textiles throughout this region.
"Horse blankets" are signs of nobility and royalty in many areas. Sulu and Badjao grave markers are known as "horses" (kurakura). The horse sacrifice is found both here and in mainland Southeast Asia as both a chiefly/royal and mortuary ritual.
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
References
Chakravarti, Ranabir. “Horse Trade and Piracy at Tana (Thana, Maharashtra, India): Gleanings from Marco Polo”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (Leiden) 34, pt.2 (Jun 1991): 159-182.
Fang Qian and Guoxing Zhou (editors). Quaternary Geology and Paleoanthropology of Yuanmou, Yunnan, China, translated by Will Downs, Northern Arizona University, March, 1993.
Maxwell, Robyn. Textiles of Southeast Asia: Tradition, Trade and Transformation, Tuttle Publishing, 2003.
Yang, Bin. "Horses, Silver, and Cowries: Yunnan in Global Perspective," Journal of World History, vol. 15, 3, Sept. 2004.
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