Showing posts sorted by relevance for query "green man". Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query "green man". Sort by date Show all posts

Monday, December 20, 2010

Father Christmas and the Green Man

With the holiday season upon us, it's a great time to investigate the possible connections of Father Christmas with the Green Man.

The idea of the link between Father Christmas, linked with the Yuletide or Winter Solstice, and the Green Man of art and architecture has been explored since at least the time of Lady Raglan in 1939.  Father Christmas is traditionally depicted with crowns or other ornaments of holly, ivy and mistletoe and often dressed in green robes.



Green Man 

Source: http://web.archive.org/web/20040310163133/http://www.lincsheritage.org/lincs/misc/green-man.html


The Green Knight of medieval literature -- often equated with the artistic Green Man -- had a Winter Solstice connection. He scheduled his rematch with Sir Gawain on the shortest day of the year.  Interestingly, in the first contest between the two, the Green Knight's head was cut off by Gawain but with surprising results.  The headless body of the Green Knight retrieved the head, which offered the winter challenge to Gawain before body and head went on their way together.

The head cult perspective offers an obvious link with the foliate head of the Green Man depicted in art.

File:Scrooges third visitor-John Leech,1843.jpg
Victorian drawing of Father Christmas from a copy of Charles Dickens: A Christmas Carol with green robe and foliate crown.


Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Scrooges_third_visitor-John_Leech,1843.jpg


If we go back to the Tantric connections suggested for the Green Man here, we can find in the Kabbalah the idea of a father figure known as Abba, which means "father" in Hebrew.  This Abba is related to the male principle of creation.  He is paired with Imma, meaning "mother" in Hebrew, the female principle.

While Judaism disdained anthropomorphic icons, Abba and Imma were described in the texts as mated in divine union resulting in the generation of progeny or creation.  Abba can be equated with Adam Kadmon, the primordial man.  The divine union of Abba and Imma is similar in many respects to that of the Tibetan concept of Yabyum.  Yab also means "father" in Tibetan, while Yum means "mother."  The Yabyum depiction of deities in Tibetan art shows a male and female deity in sexual union. The literary references to Abba and Imma are also quite sexually explicit in their description of the cosmic union.

Despite the taboo against iconography, Abba was still meditated upon in the sense of his Partzufim or "face."  The Kabbalistic practitioner concentrated on the divine face of Abba and other forms of the creative male principle, particularly focusing on the massive beard. According to some interpretations, by concentrating on the face of Abba and traveling along the hairs of his beard, one achieves unity with the Divine Image.  The similarity with Tantric visualization of the deity is striking.

Also, the aspect of meditating on the face brings us back to the head cult, i.e., in the Green Knight example, and to the "face motif" discussed here earlier in connection with the Green Man.

 http://img2.allposters.com/images/BRGPOD/202525.jpg

Non-religious depiction of the head of Adam Kadmon, who himself is seen as a form of the Tree of Life.


Source: http://img2.allposters.com/images/BRGPOD/202525.jpg


Although I have not found a direct solstice link with Abba and Imma, the erotic union of the two, or rather the union of their "faces,"  is considered  to have generated the ten Sephirot of the Sefer Yetzirah "tree."


Abba, along with other forms of the male principle, are also directly seen as types of the Sun, while Imma and the female principle including the Shekinah were seen as types of the Moon.  The Partzufim or faces motif blends quite well with this linkage to the celestial luminaries.


Like Abba, Father Christmas has a full beard while the Green Man has vegetation spewing from his mouth.  In all these cases, the representation may be that of the generative powers of the Sun.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Friday, August 06, 2010

Lapita, Taotie and other Face/Head Motifs (Part 3 of 3)

Another strong evidence of the relationship between the Indian and European face motifs is the existence in Romanesque art of a feline face disgorging (or gorging) strings of beads from the corners of its mouth.  Similar motifs are found in India and Tibet with the apparent earliest example located at the Ajanta Caves dating to the 5th century.




Feline masks with strings of beads streaming from the corners of their mouth at Iffley Church in Oxford, England, 12th-13th century. (Source:  http://www.bejo.co.uk/greenmantrail/html/missing.html)




A Gupta era Kirtimukha with festoons of pearls disgorged from the corners of the mouth. Notice the double spiral "horns." (Source: Huntington Archive)






Traditional Tibetan bell (Source: Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs) and





A more elongated type of head disgorging various items from the upper part of the mouth with no lower jaw visible, Lincoln Cathedral, Norman period. Click on image for larger view. (Source: Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Lincoln_cathedral_03_West_portal.jpg)



More on the meaning of the face motifs

Face motifs continue to be used to this day in the Austronesian-speaking regions in tattoos, textiles and other art forms.  In the Marquesas, the mata hoata "face" and ipu "eye" motifs can be used to denote the etua, the deities and deified ancestors to include the pantheistic Fractal Being.

The Kala form of the face motif in Southeast Asia gives this design a connection with the deity of cosmic time.  In the Philippines, the pantheistic volcano gods are seen in some cultures as lords of, or personifications of time.  In medieval Tibet, the Kalacakra Deity was both lord of time and also a form of the pantheistic Adibuddha or "First Buddha."

In the Philippines, one of the closest matches to the face motifs under discussion are the decorations found on  boat prows, blade hilts, musical instruments, and other items known variously by names such as Bakunawa, Buaya, and Naga.   The Bakunawa motif is connected with a deity among certain peoples of Panay who in the past chose auspicious times for events based on the direction that the Bakunawa was said to be facing.  Almanacs were made that gave the direction of the Bakunawa's face for any time of the year, and these calendars also served a geomantic purpose in orienting the direction of the entrance of a home under construction.

The Bakunawa was thus related to aspects of astronomical time, although I have not seen information connecting this deity with any constellations or stars.  Viewed as a great winged dragon-like creature with a red tongue, the Bakunawa was also said to swallow the Moon during eclipses.  In this sense, the serpent may have been related to the Indian deity Rahu, who was also envisioned as a disembodied head that devoured the Sun or Moon during an eclipse.


http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v51/zelbone/Philippine%20Edged%20Weapons%20Forum/3Visayanhilts.jpg

Bakunawa blade hilts (Source: http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v51/zelbone/Philippine%20Edged%20Weapons%20Forum/3Visayanhilts.jpg)



http://woodside.blogs.com/.a/6a00d8341f9d6353ef0133f20750be970b-800wi
The hilt on this blade from Panay is more like the buaya or makara motif (crocodile-like). (Source: http://www.filhistory.com/2010/07/sundang-itak-bolo-pinuti-talibong-tenegre-pinote-philippiine-weapon-filipino-sword-sandata-1-1.html)


The idea of the Bakunawa devouring the Sun or Moon may connect with the earlier red-slipped, Lapita and Taotie face motifs.  In the tumpal face design, the "eyes" can also represent the Sun as discussed above but additionally they can represent the Moon also.  In an earlier post, I suggested that the crescent shape, and also the half circle shape found in some red-slipped and other early tumpal patterns could represent the "Crescent Sun."   The latter astronomical term refers to a Sun nearly fully eclipsed but with the non-eclipsed part forming a crescent shape.

In addition, the name "Taotie" is generally translated as "Glutton," while the Chinese term for "solar eclipse" 日食 means literally "to eat the Sun."  However, while some experts believe the Taotie may be linked with the eclipse, I have not seen any explicit literary or artistic reference making this connection.  K. C. Chang does provide literary evidence that the motif was linked with the concept of "devouring humans" though.

The concept of devourer is also found in the legends surrounding Kala, who as the personification of time consumes humans and also the entire world in his ceaseless march.   The depiction of Kala above gates in Indonesian temples gives the impression that the deity is devouring the pilgrims as they move from one part of the temple to another.

In Papua New Guinea and Melanesia, one commonly finds instances of masks representing "Ghosts" that devour and regurgitate initiates in sacred rituals.  A similar idea may have been present in the pre-colonial Philippines and nearby parts of Indonesia in relation to concepts of immortality.  Here we find the idea that the entrails represented human mortality and that removal of these entrails cause the subject to become immortal.

In relation to this we have the legends of what are now considered demons -- the Aswang and Manananggal -- that are able to detach their heads from their bodies when they go to search for "prey."  In most cases, they do not devour their victims whole but simply suck out their viscera.  While this myth today is used in horror stories, in ancient times it may have referred to rituals believed to confer immortality or long life.

Interestingly the Aswang and Mananaggal when detaching their heads were said to take their own viscera along with them trailing from their necks.   According to early Spanish records, the icon of the god Malyari of Pinatubo and Zambales, was said to consist only of a head and straw arms.  Possibly the straw arms were actually viscera as in the case of the legends of the body-less "demons," and these hanging entrails could be related to the depiction of foliage streaming out of the mouth of Kirtimukha and Kala images.  The protruding tongue motif widely found in Polynesia, Melanesia and Papua New Guinea, and less commonly in Southeast Asia, may also be related to the imagery of streaming intestines-vegetation.


The Green Man and the Green King

In Europe, the foliage spewer motif is often related to the medieval tales of the Green Knight as found in Grail and other literature of the same period.  However, an even better explanation might be found in the concept of the Green King found in Eastern Christian apocalyptic literature.

Most important of these is the Apocalypse of Bahira, a 9th century work in Syriac and Arabic that tells of a Green King from the East to come in the last days:

...a king dressed in green clothes will come from the East and through him there will be great peace and quiet in the world. Churches will be built and monasteries will be restored. And he is the last one whom the world expects to come at the end of the kingdoms of the Sons of Ishmael.

Barbara Roggema thinks the idea of the Green King is related to the Islamic al-Khidr, the Green One, who represents fertility and immortality.  However, she notes that al-Khidr was not destined to kingship and she interprets the concept as an early prototype of the king who would become known as Prester John.  She gives as evidence a passage from the Liber Otensor written by the 14th century Franciscan Jean de Rocquetaillade who equated the Green King of the Apocalypse with the King of the Tartars, who at the time was widely identified as Prester John.

According to Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, the Green King wore green clothing because that was the color of garments worn in Paradise -- another link with the Prester John kingship. In addition to having Paradise within or near his kingdom, Prester John's land was filled with many fruits and fountains that bestowed long life, and he ruled with a fabulous emerald scepter.


For another possible connection involving the Green King and al-Khidr, see my article on Qingtong, the Blue-Green Lad, (and here also) who was an early Daoist messianic figure expected to arise from a region to the southeast of China; as well as my article on Mount Qaf


 
Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Ambrosio, Dante L. "Bakunawa and Laho," Philippine Daily Inquirer, 02/08/2009, http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/talkofthetown/view/20090208-188046/Bakunawa_and_Laho.

Chang, Kwang-chih. Art, myth, and ritual: the path to political authority in ancient China. Cambridge, Mass. u.a: Harvard Univ. Press, 1983, 72-3.

Healy, Tim. "The Missing Link?" The Green Man Trail, 2007, http://www.bejo.co.uk/greenmantrail/html/missing.html.

Roggema, Barbara. The legend of Sergius Baḥīrā: eastern Christian apologetics and apocalyptic in response to Islam. Leiden: Brill, 2009.

Riesenfeld, Alphonse. The Megalithic Culture of Melanesia, Brill, 1950.

Scott, William Henry. Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society. Quezon City, Manila, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997, 252.

Saturday, December 11, 2004

The Dueling Dual Volcanoes

The following translation of a Kapampangan legend by Michael Panglinan will help us unravel the socio-political situation of the Nusantao that developed. I have added a few translations of notes.


"The history of the Kapampangan opened with the great war in heaven. They were siblings (I don't know if they are brothers or brothers and sisters...but they were siblings) Aldau (the Sun) and Bulan (the Moon) were fighting for control of the earth.

From the heavens they descended on the banks of the great river, from which they pulled out two bamboo poles each. In the ensuing battle, Aldau, the sun had struck the light out of one of Bulan's eyes and its brightness dimmed. Aldau was victorious and Bulan surrendered. Magnanimous, Aldau lifted his capatad up and divided his rule between himself and Bulan. He even let Bulan sit on the throne first. Thus Bulan ruled by bengi (night) and Aldau ruled by aldau (day).

They settled on the two sacred mountains of the great river bank plains. On earth, Aldau chose as his abode Alaya, the center, the navel of the world. Thus the words 'paralaya' meaning going towards Alaya, the home, the base, the navel, and 'padauba' which means to go away from the center, or to go down to the flatlands. Paralaya also came to mean east since it is the abode of the sun.

On earth, Aldau came to be called by man as Apung Sukû meaning antiquity or even summit or zenith. Bulan, on the one hand settled on the source of eight rivers, Pinatubu, from which man derived its food and livelihood as the rivers became not only a source of fish, but was also the watering hole of game and fowl.

Man favoured Bulan with the name Apung Mallari, to whom all things were possible. He was said to be more approachable than the distant Apung Sukû.

Apung Sukû, the Sun, had for his children: Munag Sumalâ (Dawn) who was betrothed to Manalastas (the rooster), Abac, Ugtu (known also as Lakandanup who devoured shadows at noon), and Gatpanapun (the prince who knows only pleasure).

Apung Mallari had two daughters. The most beautiful was Sisilim (sunset) who was devoted to her uncle Apung Sukû by welcoming him in the western skies with songs of the cicadas at sunset. The other daughter was Kapitangan.

All things went well with their reign over man on earth till the rains came. The rains did not stop. The eight Rivers of Pinatubu overflowed. Man's possesssion were washed away and the fowls, game and fish went to seek calmer waters or went deep into the mountains. Man hungered. Man despaired. Finally man called upon Apung Sukû for help.

Apung Sukû then sent his grandson Tala (the planet Venus), son of the red serpent Munag Sumalâ and the bird Manalastas, to be born as a man.

Deep in the forest of Mount Alaya, an old manalaksan (wood cutter) went to the pool of Sapang Tacûi to quench his thirst. There in the middle of the pool, a tucal flower blossomed. in the midst of it was a healthy baby crying. The old manalaksan took pity and took the child to his old wife mangkukuran (potter). There the child began to speak and walk. The couple bowed low to the ground and paid homage to the god child.

Soon the child grew up to become a strong bayani. Riding on his friend Damulag, the guardian against the storm, Tala descended the mountain chewing on a sugarcane. On the slopes of the mountain he fell in love with a woman called Mingan. Together they made love. As they did so, Tala took some of his seeds and placed them in Mingan's hand. "Plant them on the flooded ground," he said. Mingan was doubtful at first since nothing grew on the flooded soil save for lumut or algae.

Immediately after Mingan planted the sacred seeds, a curious green looking plant sprouted from the ground. These were the first palai, rice plants. Tala showed her how to cook nasi, from the unhusked seeds of the palai plant. Soon Mingan's tribe was able to conquer all the flooded plains and convert them to fertile rice fields. Tala went back to the sky.

Soon, man forgot about the goodness of Apung Mallari before the floods. They endlessly praised Apung Sukû for sending them his grandson Tala. In anger and jealousy, Apung Mallari threw a huge boulder to the perfect summit of Apung Sukû's abode, Bunduc Alaya. The earth trembled. But worse was Apung Sukû's anger at the insult. From that day on, Apung Mallari was cursed. He was to be called as Punsalang (the source of enmity, the enemy).

Apung Sukû took all the huge boulders of the great river bank plains and threw them all at Bunduk Pinatubu. Apung Mallari, now Punsalang, saw his abode crumble. Seeing her father lose miserably, Sisilim decided to stop her uncle the sun but she too was struck and she fell dead. Seeing this, Punsalang shouted in anguish and surrendered to his brother Apung Sukû. From then on, Apung Sukû was Apung Sinukuan (to whom everyone surrendered)."

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Monday, September 05, 2005

The "Manilamen" and New Orleans

Some interesting tidbits given the recent tragic news from New Orleans on the "Manilamen," mariners from the Philippines who worked on the Spanish galleons and settled on the banks of Lake Ponchartrain.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
---

Manilamen: The Filipino Roots in America
Copyright 2002
(Excerpted from The Filipino Americans (1763-Present): Their History,
Culture, and Traditions by Veltisezar Bautista. Bookhaus Publishers.
Hardcover, 8 1/2 x 11, 256 pages, $29.95.



St. Malo House Drawings - From Nestor Palugod Enriquez Collection



About 235 years ago, a settlement was established by Filipino deserters
from Spanish ships at Saint Malo in the bayous of Louisiana, near the
city of New Orleans, Louisiana. The people who settled there were
called Manilamen, who jumped ship during the galleon trade era off New
Orleans, Louisiana, and Acapulco, Mexico, to escape Spanish
brutalities. Known as Tagalas,* they spoke Spanish and a Malay
dialect.** They lived together-governing themselves and living in
peace and harmony-without the world knowing about their swamp
existence.



Thus, they became the roots of Filipinos in America.
It was only after a journalist by the name of Lafcadio Hearn published
an article in 1883 when their marshland existence was exposed to the
American people. It was the first known written article about the
Filipinos in the U.S.A.
(Note: This write-up was adapted from Hearn's article entitled Saint
Malo: A Lacustrine Village in Louisiana, published in the Harper's
Weekly, March 31, 1883.)



The Times-Democrat of New Orleans chartered an Italian lugger-a small
ship lug-rigged on two or three masts-with Hearn and an artist of the
Harper Weekly on board. The journey began from the Spanish fort across
Lake Ponchartrain. After several miles of their trip, Hearn and the
artist saw a change in scenery. There were many kinds of grasses,
everywhere along the long route. As Hearn described it, "The shore
itself sinks, the lowland bristles with rushes and marsh grasses waving
in the wind. A little further on and the water becomes deeply clouded
with sap green-the myriad floating seeds of swamp vegetation. Banks
dwindle away into thin lines; the greenish, yellow of the reeds changes
into misty blue."



Then later, all they could see was the blue sky and blue water. They
passed several miles of unhampered isolation. They found a cemetery in
the swamp where dead light-keepers were believed buried. They passed
Fort Pike and a United States customs house, the eastern part of the
Regolets; later, they reached Lake Borgne.



I. THE DESTINATION



And then the mouth of a bayou-Saint Malo Pass appeared. Afterwards,
they finally reached their destination: Saint Malo! The sight that
first attracted their attention was the dwellings of the Manilamen. The
houses were poised upon supports above the marsh. Then they saw the
wharf, where unusual dwellings were grouped together beside it.
Fishnets were hung everywhere. Almost everything was colored green: the
water, the fungi, the banks, and "every beam and plank and board and
shingle of the houses upon stilts."



Manila-style Houses. Hearn described the houses:



All are built in true Manila style, with immense hat-shaped eaves and
balconies, but in wood; for it had been found that palmetto and woven
cane could not withstand the violence of the climate. Nevertheless, all
of this wood had to be shipped to the bayou from a considerable
distance, for large trees do not grow in the salty swamp.



Below the houses are patches of grass and pools of water and stretches
of gray mud, pitted with the hoof-print of hogs. Sometimes these
hoof-prints are crossed with the tracks of the alligator, and, a pig is
missing. Chickens there are too-sorry-looking creatures; many have
but one leg, others have but one foot: the crabs have bitten them off.
All these domestic creatures of the place live upon fish.



There were about thirteen or fourteen large dwellings standing upon
wooden piles. Considered as the "most picturesque" of these houses
was perhaps that of Padre Carpio, the oldest Manilaman in the village.



Carpio was like a judge in the settlement. All quarrels among the
inhabitants were submitted to him for arbitration and decisions.
Carpio's house consisted of three wooden edifices; the two outer
edifices looked as if they were wings. The wharf was built in front of
the central edifice probably for convenience.



To protect themselves from bites of mosquitoes and other insects, the
dwellers had every window closed with wire netting. During warm
weather, sandflies attacked the fishermen, and, at all times, fleas
attacked them. Reptiles, insects, and other animals abounded in the
swamps.



What Do They Looked Like? Hearn described the dwellers:



Most of them are cinnamon-colored men; a few are glossily yellow, like
that bronze into which a small proportion of gold is worked by the
moulder. Their features are irregular without being actually repulsive;
some have the cheek-bones very prominent, and the eyes of several are
set slightly aslant. The hair is generally intensely black and
straight, but with some individuals it is curly and browner....None of
them appeared tall; the great number were under-sized, but all
well-knit, and supple as fresh-water eels. Their hands and feet were
small: their movements quick and easy, but sailorly likewise, as of men
accustomed to walking upon rocking decks in rough weather.



In the fishing village, there was one white man called the Maestro (the
Tagalog word for teacher) who had been the ship's carpenter. There
was one black man, a Portuguese Negro, who was believed to be a
Brazilian castaway.



The Maestro spoke the Manilamen's dialect (probably Tagalog, the
dialect in Manila). There were times that he acted as a "priest" or
man of God by conferring upon some non-Christian dwellers the sacrament
of the Catholic faith.



According to the Maestro, the Manilamen often sent money to friends in
Manila to help them emigrate. Usually, the Filipino seamen continued to
desert at every chance from Manila galleons when they docked in New
Orleans, Louisiana, or in Acapulco, Mexico. They settled in the
marshlands of Louisiana where no Spaniards could reach them.



Living there, they had their contacts with inhabitants of Louisiana,
particularly with residents of New Orleans, only a few miles away from
the swamplands.



II. THEIR WAY OF LIFE



The Filipino fishermen seldom got sick, although they lived mostly on
raw fish that was seasoned with oil and vinegar. (There was no mention
of rice, even though rice was and still is the staple food of
Filipinos.) There was no liquor found in any of the houses.



Those Manilamen were polite. In fact, every man in the settlement
greeted Hearn and the artist with buenas noches when they met them at
night.



For Men Only. No woman lived in the settlement during Hearn's visit.
The fishermen with families had their wives and children in New Orleans
and in other localities.



There were two occasions in the past, however, during which two women
dwelled in the village. The first woman left after her husband died.
The second woman departed after an attempted murder was made on her
husband.



One night a man attacked her husband, but the woman and her little son
helped subdue the culprit. The villagers tied his hands and feet with
fishlines. Then the man was fastened to a stake driven into the muddy
land. The next day he was dead. The Maestro buried him in the gray mud.
A rude wooden cross was placed on the grave.



No Tax Man, No Policeman. In the settlement, the Manilamen promulgated
their own rules and laws. This was done even though they had no
sheriff, police, or prison. The settlement was never visited by any
Louisiana official, even though it was within the jurisdiction of the
parish of St. Bernard. No tax man ever attempted to go there, either.



During busy fishing seasons, the settlement usually had about a hundred
men. In case of disputes, the problem was usually submitted to the
oldest man in the settlement, Padre Carpio. Usually, Padre Carpio's
decisions were final; no one contested them. If a man refused a verdict
or became a problem, he was jailed within a "fish-car." Naturally,
due to hunger and the harsh weather conditions, coupled sometimes with
rising tides, he would usually change his mind and obey any rule or
decision. Even if the settlers were all Catholics, a priest rarely went
to the village.



No Furniture. There was no furniture in any of the dwellings: no table,
no chair, and no bed. What could be considered as mattresses were
filled with what Hearn called "dry Spanish-beard." These were laid
upon "tiers" of shelves faced against the walls. The fishermen
slept at night "among barrels of flour and folded sails and smoked
fish."



Art Treasures. What could be considered art treasures preserved at the
village were a circus poster and two photographs placed in the
Maestro's sea-chest. One was a photo of a robust young woman with
"creole eyes" and a bearded Frenchman. They were the wife and
father of the Maestro, the ship's carpenter.



Saint Malo-New Orleans Connection. The swamp dwellers had contacts with
the city of New Orleans as it was in New Orleans where some of their
families lived. It was also the headquarters of an association they
formed, La Union Philipina. Furthermore, when a fisherman died, he was
usually buried temporarily under the reeds in the village. A wooden
cross was planted on his grave. Later, the bones were transported to
New Orleans by other "luggers" where they were permanently buried.



At the Restaurant They Eat. There was a restaurant in the locality of
Lake Borgne. Formerly owned by a Manilaman and his wife, but owned by
some Chinese during Hearn's visit, the eatery was mostly patronized
by Spanish West Indian sailors. Even businessmen of New Orleans
frequented it. The cost of food was cheap and the menu was printed in
English and Spanish.



Father and Son. A half-breed Malay, Valentine, was considered as the
most intelligent among the fishermen. Educated in New Orleans,
Valentine left his job in the city to be with his father, Thomas de los
Santos, in the settlement. His father, married to a white woman, had
two children, Valentine and a daughter named Winnie. Valentine became
the best "pirogue oarsman" among the swamp dwellers.



Latin Names for Men and Boats. Some Latin names (many of which are
still today's Filipino names with different spellings) of the swamp
dwellers were Marcellino, Francesco, Serafino, Florenzo, Victorio,
Paosto, Hilario, Marcetto, Manrico, and Maravilla. Some had names of
martyrs. Boats were also named after men and women.



"Let's Play Monte." It was at Hilario's casa (house) where
dwellers entertained themselves at night after a hard fishing day's
work. They played monte or a species of Spanish keno. The games were
played with a cantador (the caller) who would sing out the numbers.
Such singings were accompanied by "the annunciation with some rude
poetry characteristics of fisher life or Catholic faith:"



Paraja de uno;
Dos picquetes de rivero-



a pair of one (1); the two stakes to which the fish-car is fastened.



Farewell, Manilamen! After Hearn and his group said goodbye, they
departed. Hearn described his farewell:



Somebody fired a farewell shot as we reached the mouth of the bayou;
there was a waving of picturesque hands and hats; and far in our wake
an alligator splashed, his scaly body, making for the whispering line
of reeds upon the opposite bank.



III. MANY YEARS AFTER



In 1988, Marina Espina, then a librarian in the University of New
Orleans, published a book entitled Filipinos in Louisiana (A. F.
Laborde & Sons, New Orleans, Louisiana, 1988). Included in the book's
front matter is an excerpt from Larry Bartlett (Dixie, July 31, 1977):



The year was 1763, and the schooner had unloaded its cargo at the
Spanish provincial capital of New Orleans. Then its crew of Filipino
sailors jumped ship and fled into the nearby cypress swamp....



1763 was thus recognized by the Filipino American National Historical
Society (FANHS) as the year that the Manilamen arrived and settled in
the marshlands of Louisiana. In fact, in 1988, it marked the 225th
anniversary of the first Filipino settlement in Louisiana. The
association that was organized in 1982 by Frederic and Dorothy Cordova
has branches in different parts of the country.



Espina published her book after an extensive research on the first
Manilamen who settled in the United States.



According to Espina's findings, every year, during those early years
of American history, some of the Filipino sailors jumped ship off
Acapulco, Mexico. Afterwards, many of them migrated to the bayous of
Louisiana and other gulf ports. Since they spoke Spanish, others
married Mexicans, and they assimilated easily with the population
there.



Saint Malo, Etc. According to Espina's accounts, Saint Malo was only
one of the Filipino settlements. The other settlements were the Manila
Village on Barataria Bay in the Mississippi Delta by the Gulf of
Mexico; Alombro Canal and Camp Dewey in Plaquemines Parish; and Leon
Rojas, Bayou Cholas, and Bassa Bassa in Jefferson Parish, all in
Louisiana. The oldest of these settlements was Saint Malo. But Manila
Village on Barataria Bay was considered as the largest and the most
popular of them all. Houses were built on stilts on a fifty-acre
marshland.



Because there were no Filipino women, the Manilamen courted and married
Cajun women, Indians, and others. Some of them enrolled their children
in schools in New Orleans.



Filipinos in the Battle of New Orleans in 1815. According to oral
history passed from generation to generation and later cited by
Filipino historians, Filipinos took part in the Battle of New Orleans
in 1815 as part of the War of 1812. Those were the men who signed up
with the famed French buccaneer, Jean Baptiste Lafitte to join the army
of Major-General Andrew Jackson.



On January 8, 1815, a British army numbering about 8,000 men prepared
to capture New Orleans, Louisiana. Under the command of Major-General
Sir Edward M. Pakenham, the British soldiers were pitted against the
American army composed of only 1,500 under the command of Major-General
Jackson. The American Army consisted of "regular army troops, state
militia, western sharpshooters, two regiments and pirates from the
Delta Swamps." (Could the Manilamen have been mistakenly identified
as pirates having come from the swamps?)



The British moved directly into New Orleans. The English soldiers
attacked the American entrenchments. The Americans had fortified their
positions behind the earthworks and the barricades of cotton. The
battle lasted only half an hour. The British suffered 2,000 casualties,
with 289 killed. On the other hand, the Americans had only 71
casualties with 31 killed.



Actually, the battle was meaningless. It occurred before news of the
Treaty of Ghent arrived on December 24, 1814, ending the so-called 1812
War.



The Filipinos participation in the war, however, was not recognized in
American history.



Here's an excerpt from the book The Baratarians and the Battle of New
Orleans by Jane Lucas de Grumond. ((Louisiana State University Press,
Baton Rouge, Louisiana.)



Cochrane (Admiral Cochrane of the invading British fleet) had sent two
officers in a boat to reconnoiter the area below New Orleans via Bayou
Bienvenu. They were disguised as fishermen and some of the Spanish
fishermen were their guides. They reached the bayou and ascended to the
village of the fishermen.



Perhaps the fishermen had something to do with the situation. They were
accustomed to fish in Lake Borgne and then to take their fish in
pirogues to the canals of De Laronde's and Villere's plantation...



In the above quote, the author mentioned "Spanish fishermen" and
the fact that they were used to fishing in Lake Borgne. The only known
fishermen in the Lake Borgne area, who spoke Spanish, were the
Manilamen. Could there be other Spanish fishermen in the area? Or could
they be the Filipinos who were not known as Filipinos but might be
known as Spaniards because they spoke Spanish? Could some of the
Filipinos from the fishing village have been signed by Lafitte to join
the American soldiers? It is indeed a great possibility.



Shrimp Drying. It was at the Manila Village that they started their
shrimp-drying industry. The Filipinos built platforms for drying shrimp
in an area southeast of New Orleans in the early 1800s. The Manilamen
were considered to have introduced in the state and in America the
drying of shrimps. The Saint Malo settlement was destroyed by a strong
hurricane in 1915 and the Manila Village was washed away by Hurricane
Betsy in 1965.



(End of excerpt from The Filipino Americans (1763-Present): Their
History, Culture, and Traditions by Veltisezar Bautista. Illustrations
drawn many years ago are included in the book. For more info about the
book, click here.

Friday, October 24, 2008

Peace in Nature and the Golden Age

Many cultures throughout much of the world believe that in a past golden age, animals and humans all lived together in harmony, often in perfect peace. In some cases, such a state of peace is expected to return in the future renewal of the ages.

Such myths of a time of peace in nature are widespread among Bantu peoples in Africa and in the ancient Near East, and extend through India, China, Japan, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific all the way to the Americas.

Hesiod wrote of the Golden Age in which all creatures lived in peace, a theme repeated by latter Greek and Roman writers. In Japan, such a revered earlier age is known as natuskashii, and among the Pitjantjara Aborigines of Australia the tjukurpa refers to the perfect dream-time of yore.

In the Pampangan province of the Philippines, Apung Sinukuan, the deity of Mt. Arayat, was said to have reigned at a period before the creation of humans in perfect harmony with animals and plants. Later after the creation of humans, wild animals remained gentle in his mountain domain and were cared for and even bedecked with golden jewelry. Sinukuan had the power to understand and speak with animals, a theme also found in other similar mythologies.

In Rabbinic and Muslim tales of King Solomon, the monarch is said to have the ability to understand animals and particularly birds. Solomon served as a model of the ideal monarch associated with a time of great prosperity that was again a model of the golden messianic age. The ability to communicate with animals is often referred to as the mystical "language of birds" that can only be understood by gifted individuals.

Many commentators have seen the reference to birds as symbolizing angels, enlightened individuals, spirits flying around the divine presence, etc., but we must also consider the natural explanation. Indeed, birds act as messengers themselves in various mythologies.

Among the Cheyenne, the primordial age was one in which humans and animals all lived in peace with each able to communicate with the other. Then, when humans began to hunt animals, great floods and destruction occurred until the "Great Medicine" took pity and saved the world. However, after the floods, humans could no longer talk with the animals except for a chosen few magicians gifted with "supernatural wisdom." In the presence of these savants, the fiercest animals became gentle and approachable.

Among the Malawi, Chewa and Mang'anja of Africa, God originally dwelt with humans and animals in early times when there was peace in nature. It was after humans discovered fire that animals retreated into the woods and humans began hunting them. Seeing the violence and destruction of wildfires, God retreated from the world into heaven and took away humanity's previous immortality.


'The wolf shall dwell with the lamb'

Ancient Near Eastern mythology often associated peace in nature with the far-off land of Paradise. In Mesopotamia, this was the land of Dilmun, the place were humanity could still obtain immortality.

In Dilmun the raven utters no cries, the ittidu-bird utters not the cry of the ittidu-bird. The lion does not kill, the wolf snatches no lamb, unknown is the kid-devouring wild dog.

Vegetarians and animal advocates argue that the Hebrew Bible portrays the Garden of Eden in much the same way with early humans and animals both subsiding on plants and herbs but not shedding blood.

And God said, Behold, I have given you every herb bearing seed, which is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree, in the which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed; to you it shall be for meat. And to every beast of the earth, and to every fowl of the air, and to every thing that creepeth upon the earth, wherein there is life, I have given every green herb for meat: and it was so.

-- Genesis 1:29-30

To strength this argument, they point to the verses related to Noah and his progeny after the Great Flood in which God permits humans to eat other animals in contradiction to the earlier practice.

And God blessed Noah and his sons, and said unto them, Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth. And the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and upon every fowl of the air, upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea; into your hand are they delivered. Every moving thing that liveth shall be meat for you; even as the green herb have I given you all things. But flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye not eat. [emphasis added]

-- Genesis 9:1-4

So after the Flood, humans are given the meat of all things just as before the Flood they were given every "green herb" to consume. The provision that they should not however consume the blood of animals is added, since the life of living beings was found in the blood.

Vegetarian advocates argue that the Great Flood itself was caused largely due to the violation of taboos against shedding blood. They cite for example the Ebionite texts that claim that the fall of humanity came after the intercourse between the Nephilim, a class of angelic being, and human women when humans began lusting after blood and killing animals for meat. In the 2nd century BCE pseudepigraphal Book of Jubilees, a period is described when all creatures began to devour each other in the lead-up to the Great Flood. The episode is obviously drawn from Genesis in the Old Testament.

And it came to pass when the children of men began to multiply on the face of the earth and daughters were born unto them, that the angels of God saw them on a certain year of this jubilee, that they were beautiful to look upon; and they took themselves wives of all whom they chose, and they bare unto them sons and they were giants. And lawlessness increased on the earth and all flesh corrupted its way, alike men and cattle and beasts and birds and everything that walks on the earth -all of them corrupted their ways and their orders, and they began to devour each other...

-- Book of Jubilees, 5:1-2


And it came to pass, when men began to multiply on the face of the earth, and daughters were born unto them. That the sons of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair; and they took them wives of all which they chose. And the LORD said, My spirit shall not always strive with man, for that he also is flesh: yet his days shall be an hundred and twenty years.There were giants in the earth in those days; and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they bare children to them, the same became mighty men which were of old, men of renown. And God saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth, and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually.And it repented the LORD that he had made man on the earth, and it grieved him at his heart.And the LORD said, I will destroy man whom I have created from the face of the earth; both man, and beast, and the creeping thing, and the fowls of the air; for it repenteth me that I have made them...And God said unto Noah, The end of all flesh is come before me; for the earth is filled with violence through them; and, behold, I will destroy them with the earth.

-- Genesis 6:1-7, 13

Punishment by flood in many cultural traditions comes as a result of violence particularly the killing and/or eating of totem animals/plants. Already mentioned is the African tradition of humans losing their immortality and the presence of God because of their disturbance of the ecological peace through wildfires and hunting.

It is worth noting that many Jewish and Jewish Christian ascetic groups like the Essenes, Therapeuts and Ebionites were vegetarians apparently due to the belief that this represented the purest and holiest state of nature.


The return of peace

The Arthavaveda, one of the four holy Vedic books of India, tells of a time when all creatures shall live in peace and harmony.

Supreme Lord, let there be peace in the sky and in the atmosphere, peace in the plant world and in the forests; let the cosmic powers be peaceful; let Brahma be peaceful; let there be undiluted and fulfilling peace everywhere.

In the Arthavaveda we also find the Prithvi Sukta, or Hymn to Earth in which it is stated: "Unslain, unwounded, unsubdued, I have set foot upon the Earth, On earth brown, black, ruddy and every-coloured, on the firm earth that Indra guards from danger. O Prithivī, thy centre and thy navel, all forces that have issued from thy body. Set us amid those forces; breathe upon us. I am the child of Earth, Earth is my Mother."

The unity of all beings, of course, was a dominant theme in the religions of India and helped in the formation of the doctrine of ahimsa or "non-killing" of others.


Jewish and Christian visions of the messianic age also see a return to the peace in nature that prevailed in the Garden of Eden and during the pre-diluvian period. Carnivorous animals will again become vegetarian and live in harmony with humans.


The wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard lie down with the kid ; and the calf and the young lion together ; and a little child shall lead them; the cow and the bear shall feed ; and their young ones lie down together; and the lion shall eat straw like an ox.

-- Isaiah 11:6-9


The wolf and the lamb shall feed together, and the lion shall eat straw like the bullock: and dust shall be the serpent's meat. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain, saith the LORD.

-- Isaiah 62:25


For thou shalt be in league with the stones of the field:

and the beasts of the field shall be at peace with thee.


-- Job 5:23


Taoists believe that the Eight Immortals lived in the Happy Isles in perfect peace with animals and plants. The Immortals were closely associated with birds like the crane, phoenix and raven on whose backs they flew to other lands. Often the Immortals appear confused with birds, and there was the belief that the Immortals themselves grew feathers and wings.

The Taoist ideal was one of harmonious coexistence of all:

Redeem the lives of animals, and abstain from shedding blood. Be careful not to tread upon insects on the road, and set not fire to the forests, lest you should destroy life. Burn a candle in your window to give light to the traveler, and keep a boat to help voyagers across rivers. Do not spread your net on the mountains to catch birds, nor poison the fish and reptiles in the waters. Never destroy paper which is written upon, and enter into no league against your neighbor.

-- Yin Chih Wen ("Book of Secret Blessings")

Taoist prophecy predicts that in a future time when humanity takes to satisfying the appetites of demons with immolated animals, a great cleansing deluge will occur. After the apocalyptic flood, the world shall enter into the blissful state of the Immortals abode, a period known as Taiping "the Great Peace."

Studying myths throughout the globe, we find commonly recurring themes such as the primordial age when humans and animals lived in a state of peace and harmony, often able to communicate with one another. This peace in nature is disturbed, almost always by humanity, through violence and destruction brought about by fire and hunting/slaughtering animals. God, the Great Spirit, nature itself or some similar entity punishes humanity by rendering them mortal, or in the Biblical version shortening the human life span; by withdrawing the divine presence; and by sending a great deluge.

After the punishment, a different antagonistic relationship exists between humans and animals, and between different species of animals. In some cases, certain select individuals from each species have the power to recreate in isolation the earlier peace in nature including the ability of cross-communication. And we find often also that in the future, there will be a new age coming when once again the primordial natural harmony will prevail.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Cesaresco, Countess Evelyn Martinengo. The Place of Animals in Human Thought, Kessinger Publishing, 2004.

Jamieson, Dale. A Companion to Environmental Philosophy, Blackwell Publishing, 2007

Linzey, Andrew and Dorothy Yamamoto. Animals on the Agenda: Questions about Animals for Theology and Ethics, University of Illinois Press, 1998.

Luttikhuizen, Gerard P. Paradise Interpreted: Representations of Biblical Paradise in Judaism and Christianity, BRILL, 1999.

Walters, Kerry S. and Lisa Portmess. Religious Vegetarianism: From Hesiod to the Dalai Lama, SUNY Press, 2001.


Sunday, May 02, 2010

Mandalas, Wheel Windows and Rose Windows

Following up on my posts on the evidence of "Tantric" eastern influences in Romanesque Europe, one very interesting element that pops up in Romanesque churches is the wheel window.

The wheel window generally adorns the west fronts of these churches staring in about the 12th century.  The subsequent rose window is widely believed to have been derived from the wheel window.  Most scholars see the wheel window as a development of the earlier Roman oculi, a circular opening in structures for ventilation and lighting.

However, most do admit that the designs of the wheel and rose window may indicate foreign influences. For example, some have suggested that the designs may have come from the six-petaled rosettes of the Khirbat al-Mafjar in Jordan.

A stronger argument exists, I think, linking the wheel window with the dharma cakra (wheel of law), and the initial rose window designs with the mandala.  These cultural elements could have been brought over, again, by the Sayabiga and related peoples.

Firstly, many of the earliest wheel windows have eight "spokes" as in these examples from 12th century Norman England:


Patrixbourne


Barfreston 



Castle Hedingham


(Source for photos:  Mary Berg at the Kent Archaeology Page)


The dharma cakra appears very early in Indian art, for example, in the Asokan architecture, but the spoke number can vary.  By the late ancient period though, the eight-spoked dharma chakra becomes well-established and it is the classical type used in Tibetan Buddhism.  At churches with eight-spoked wheel windows, we often see that many motifs also occur in groups of eight.

Another noteworthy similarity found in many early wheel windows is the use of the column motif for the "spokes."  In the Barfreston and Patrixbourne examples above, these column-spokes form a likeness of a trefoil arch between each spoke.

A traditional widespread form of the dharma chakra displays trefoil-like "knobs" that appear to protrude from each "spoke" through the "rim" of the dharma wheel as in the examples below:

File:Flag of Sikkim.svg
 A dharmacakra on the flag of Sikkim.  Note the trefoil-like knob at each quadrant. (Source: Wikipedia)

File:Wheel of Dharma. Craftsman in Xining by reurinkjan.jpg
A dharma cakra manufactured in Xining, China with large trefoil designs, one for each spoke. (Source: Wikipedia)


Another similarity is that the "rim" in both the dharma chakra and the window wheel is wide and often very ornately decorated, for example, with vegetative motifs.

A very striking comparison can be made between the wheel window of Barfrestron and the dharma cakras found on the Sun Temple of Konark, eastern India, which dates to the 13th century.  In both cases, the rims are decorated with the respective bestiaries of each culture.










Bestiary on rim of Barfreston wheel window includes griffins, winged lions, harpies, crabs and other creatures both real and fabulous. (Source: http://www.green-man-of-cercles.org/articles/bestiary_arches.pdf)












Rim of dharma wheel at Sun Temple of Konarak has elephants, swans, deer, deities, mythical creatures and sensuous couples displayed in a circular vine motif.


Rose windows

The early rose windows were obviously similar to the wheel windows that came before.  For example, the following window from the cathedral at Chartres dating to the late 12th century is sometimes called a rose window and sometimes a wheel window.


http://www.sacred-destinations.com/france/chartres-cathedral-photos/slides/ext-rose-window-cc-ed-swierk.jpg
Wheel window at Chartres Cathedral (Source:  http://www.sacred-destinations.com/france/chartres-cathedral-photos/)


Here there are twelve column-like spokes in the central figure creating arch-like "petals."  The design is very much like the mandalas of Tibet.

While Tibetan tradition states that mandalas were originally taught by the Buddha, the first mandalas to appear on murals date from about the 10th century.  By the 11th century, highly-sophisticated textile mandalas were made.  While the word "mandala" can refer to any circular type of design, but in Tibetan art it generally referred to a representation of the cosmos that was concentric in nature.

The concentric design of mandalas often resulted in fractal patterns. For example, many Buddhist mandalas  display the fractal plane known as the Sierpinski Carpet.  Even a simple design of concentric circles is fractal in a way -- the outer circle surrounds a circle that in turn surrounds a circle surrounding a circle.

More complex fractal patterns can include, for example, a circle of Buddhas encircled by smaller circles of Buddhas.

File:Mandala of the Six Chakravartins.JPG

The Mandala of the Six Cakravartins dates at least to the 11th-12th century Vajravali text, although it is based on an earlier prototype.  The mandala above was created in the 19th century.  In this mandala, a Cakravartin, or World Emperor, is enclosed in a circle surrounded by eight deities in lotus petal-like containers. The lotus is encircled and placed in a square with cruciform "gates."  Five other Cakravartins in similar presentation surround the central figure. (Source:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Mandala_of_the_Six_Chakravartins.JPG)



Vajravarahi Abhibhava Mandala
A 14th century Vajravarahi Awakening Mandala shows a central eight-petaled lotus or rosette with deity figures surrounded by smaller six-petaled lotuses. (Source: http://www.asianart.com/mandalas/page14.html)


In the wheel window of Chartres Cathedral the central lotus or rose-like figure has twelve "petals" and has a rosette-like figure at its center with twelve apses.  The rose is surrounded by smaller circles with eight apses.

These figures with the apses may possibly be related to the description giving in Titurel during the 13th century of the Grail Temple:




Grail Temple plan after Ringbom (A. A. Barb, 1956: 34) following descriptions in Titurel


In the following sand painting of a Mandala Palace, the outermost lotus figure has 22 petals, which can be compared to the 22 apses of Titurel's Grail Temple.  The number 22 in Tibetan Buddhism can represent the 22 deities of the Kalacakra Deity's Palace, the 22 Bodhisattvas, etc.


http://buddhistsymbols.info/wp-content/uploads/2008/07/mandala.jpg
Source: http://buddhistsymbols.info/wp-content/uploads/2008/07/mandala.jpg


  
Architectural changes during the Romanesque period

Changes in design and orientation are also supportive of the idea of eastern influences in line with those already described in this and previous posts.

For example, we see the rise of cruciform churches during this period.  The new architecture is generally seen as a fusion of the Visigothic cruciform church and Mozarabic design elements.  However, one interesting feature is the idea of the church representing Paradise -- something that is carried on into the Gothic period.

The churches now have gates or portals that can be viewed as entrances into a representation of either the divine or the terrestrial paradise.  One interpretation of the trees, vegetation and rivers represented in Romanesque and Gothic churches is that they are intended to represent the Garden of Eden. The palm tree, in particular, is represented as the Tree of Paradise.  In a similar sense, the terraced pyramid temple of Southeast Asia, which also had a cruciform building plan, represented the cosmic mountain, the axis mundi.

Additionally, during this period the churches began to be pointed in an eastward direction.  The high altar was placed at the "top" of the cross in the easternmost part of the church.  However, the churches were not oriented directly at the rising Sun during the equinoxes.  They usually diverged from a few degrees to 15 or more degrees from true East.  Previously Christian churches had no particular orientation and could be facing in any direction.

Now the great majority of temples in South and Southeast Asia traditionally had the same orientation -- toward the East but rarely toward true East.

Various explanations have been given for the orientation of Romanesque churches including the idea that they faced the Sun on first day of building or on the patron saint's day.  Some have also suggested that compasses were used for orientation and that they were thrown off by magnetic declination.

One possibility that could be tested is whether the churches or a subset of them were oriented toward a fixed geographical location like the mosque was oriented toward Mecca.  Giving the paradisaical themes of Romanesque churches, they may, for example, have been pointed toward the perceived location of the Garden of Eden in the East.  If this were the case, then we should see that the churches tend to face more southward as the church's location is more eastward in longitude and northward in latitude.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Abrahamsen, Niels. Orientation of Romanesque Churches and Magnetic Declination in the 12th Century in Denmark. GeoSkrifter, 23. Aarhus: Geologisk Institut Aarhus Universitet, 1985.

Brunius, Teddy. "Old nordic churches and the points of compass" Konsthistorisk Tidskrift/Journal of Art History 66.4 (1997). 03 May. 2010.

Cowen, Painton.  The Rose Window, London and New York, 2005

Grabar, Oleg. Constructing the Study of Islamic Art 2 Islamic Visual Culture, 1100 - 1800. Aldershot [u.a.]: Ashgate Variorum, 2006, 387.

Graham, Robert Maxtone. The Sculptures at the Church of St Nicholas, Barfreston, http://www.green-man-of-cercles.org/articles/bestiary_arches.pdf, 2008.

Hoare, Peter G., Caroline S Sweet, "The orientation of early medieval churches in England," Journal of Historical Geography, Volume 26, Issue 2, April 2000. 

Hughes, Robert. Heaven and Hell in Western Art. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968.


Kubach, Hans Erich. Romanesque Architecture. History of world architecture. New York: Abrams, 1975.

Monday, August 02, 2010

Lapita, Taotie and other Face/Head Motifs

The possibility of a relationship between the Taotie face motif that dates back to the Shang Dynasty in China, and the previously discussed Kirtimukha images of India and the Kala images of Southeast Asia, has been explored in previous literature. Joseph Campbell in The Mythic Image (pp. 118-130) believes these motifs along with the Mesoamerican jaguar mask and the Greek Medusa all owe their similarities to diffusion.

Stella Kramrisch and Raymond Burnier also apparently see a direct relationship between the Kirtimukha/Kala images and the Taotie, and also the "Green Man" motif from medieval Europe (foilage spewers-column swallowers). 

The earliest of these images is the Taotie, however, it has a possible contemporary match in the Lapita face motif, which to my knowledge has not been explored.  The Taotie and Lapita images date from about the same period -- from the middle of the second millennium BCE to the beginning of the first millenium BCE -- the dates for the Erligang Culture in Henan and the Lapita Culture in eastern Melanesia and Western Polynesia.   The face motifs appear to date to the earliest phases of both Lapita and Erligang cultures.


Examples of Lapita faces taken from Chiu 2007 and Spriggs 1993




Examples of Taotie face motif from Erligang Culture in Henan, China from Allan 1991.




While there are significant stylistic differences between these contemporary motifs, there are also some important similarities:

  • In both cases, the face normally consists of defined eyes and nose, whether realistic or stylized, but the mouth, or at least the lower jaw, is missing or not clearly defined.
  • Opposing spirals are an important element in both types of face motifs. With the Lapita face, the spirals often define or border the eyes, but in some cases they appear as "horns" to the side of a set of eyes.
  • Leaf-like eyes with pointed edges or tips are found in both regions.
  • A "face within a face" motif is found often involving the "horns" of the image in some Lapita images, and this also appears to be clearly defined in some Taotie motifs from the Shang-Zhou period.
  • The presence of flanking decorative elements that occasionally take on a clearly independent identity, and which may be related to later images in Oceania, Asia and Europe.
  • The presence of scrolling patterns, spirals, and leaf-like or flower-like designs can be seen as suggestive of foliage in both cases.





Three sets of Lapita face motifs showing two pairs of eyes sharing the same "nose."  The outermost pair of eyes is found in the "horns" of the smaller eye set. From Spriggs 1993.


Below are leaf and other foliage-like eye motifs from Lapita artifacts.






Origin of the motifs


Both Spriggs and Chiu refer to the large number of "simplified" face motifs on Lapita artifacts suggesting that these motifs are latter developments of the earlier more realistic face designs.

However, at least one these simplified versions may have a very ancient origin.  The dentate or linked triangular pattern with circles at the top of the triangle is very similar to designs found on red-slipped wares in the Philippines that may date back to before 5000 BCE. Such patterns are found widely in Southeast Asia by the Late Neolithic period.

Here is an example of the motif found in Lapita culture:











The triangular design in latter times is known at tumpal and is often said to represent hills or mountains.  However, this would not preclude its use in face designs.  The use of vegetative motifs in other Lapita forms as well as in the Taotie face motifs could suggest these faces or mask have a pantheistic or fractal identity, which is something we shall examine in future posts.

Click here for continuation.


 

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Allan, Sarah. The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art, and Cosmos in Early China. SUNY series in Chinese philosophy and culture. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1991.

Campbell, Joseph, and M. J. Abadie. The Mythic Image. Princeton/Bollingen paperbacks. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981, 118-128.

Chiu, Scarlett, Detailed analysis of Lapita Face Motifs: Case Studies from Reef/Santa Cruz Lapita Sites
and New Caledonia Lapita Site 13A,
http://epress.anu.edu.au/terra_australis/ta26/pdf/ch15.pdf, 2007.

Kramrisch, Stella. The Hindu Temple 2. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publ, 1996, 322-25.

Miksic, John N. Earthenware in Southeast Asia: Proceedings of the Singapore Symposium on Premodern Southeast Asian Earthenwares. Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2003.

Spriggs, M. "How Much of the Lapita Design System Represents the Human Face?" In P. Dark and R. Rose (eds), Artistic Heritage in a Changing Pacific,   Bathurst: Crawford House Press, 1993, 7-14.

Saturday, March 18, 2006

Glossary: Magnetic Mountain

In the lore of the cosmic mountain and axis mundi we find repeatedly the theme of the "Magnetic Mountain" or the "Magnetic Isles." Other names include "Loadstone Mountain" and the "Great Loadstone."

Myths of the "whirling mountain" like Mount Mandara in the Sea of Milk may be related to the magnetic mountain theme where a whirling motion is also described.

Given the idea of magnetism and a whirling geography, late medieval writers in Europe naturally equated the Magnetic Mountain with the North Pole. However, the early references to this mysterious mountain place it instead in the "Indies."

Pliny mentions a magnetic mountain in this region during the first century. In the second century, Ptolemy identifies the ten magnetic isles of Maniolae in the Gangetic Gulf between Sri Lanka and the Malay Peninsula, where ships built with or carrying iron dare not approach.

Two centuries later we find in the Chinese text Nan Zhou Yi Wu Zhi, the mention of a similar place where only wood joint vessels should venture located in the extreme southern ocean off the coast of Tongking or Cochin-China (Giaochi). Muslim geographers like Kazwini and Idrisi mention the Loadstone Mountain and it is found in the tales of the Arabian Nights. In all cases, the geologic anomaly occurs in the "Far East" rather than in the North.

Roman de Ogier le Danois of the 14th century locates the Great Loadstone in Avalon "not far on this side of the terrestrial paradise, whither were rapt in a flame of fire Enock and Helios." Ogier is shipwrecked there after the iron nails and bolts of his vessel are pulled out by the areas's magnetic forces, and it is there he encounters Morgan le Fay. He also meets the fire-breathing fairy horse Papillon "famed for his skill and wisdom" with whom he returns to France from the Indies.

During the same century, John of Mandeville places the 'Adamant Islands' where ships use wooden pegs rather than iron nails in the eastern kingdom of Prester John.

Esoteric meaning

While the references to magnetic mountains or isles may be only an explanation of the wooden joint ships of the Indian Ocean, the theme often took on deeper meanings.

Arabic literature like the One Thousand and One Nights tell of a brazen/bronze horseman and brazen horse on the black, whirling Magnetic Mountain (The Story of the Third Kalendar). On the chest of the brazen horseman is a tablet of lead with mystical engraved names and talismans. A king is requested to climb the mountain and shoot the rider off the horse with his own lead arrows after which the sea will rise and engulf the mountain. After that the king was told he would be rescued by a man in a boat.

When the king accomplishes the tasks and shoots the brazen rider off his brass horse, the sea rises and swallows the mountain rendering it harmless to passing ships. In the approaching boat is a brazen man with a lead tablet on his chest engraved with names and talismans. The man rescues him and takes him back to his kingdom.

Medieval tales of Virgil the Magician, starting in Norman times, mention both the Magnetic Mountain and the brazen or bronze horse and horseman but in separate legends. Here the brazen horseman points with his brass lance toward the enemies of his kingdom.

Similar legends were told about the brass or bronze horseman mounted on the top of the Palace of the Green Dome of Caliph Mansur, the father of Harun al Rashid. In 1038, Khatib mentions this brass statue magically pointing toward the direction of impending attacks on the Caliphate. A similar brazen horseman was said to be found in Granada, Spain at the Hill of the Albaycin during Moorish rule.

The black mountain of the Arab tales was transferred as the Rupes Nigra in late medieval Europe to the North Pole. Eden also was moved to this location in this school of thinking playing on old legends of northernly or northwesternly journeys to the lush paradisical lands of Hyperborea and Avalon. There, people could frolic au naturel throughout the year. A type of supernatural explanation sometimes based on the magnetism of the Rupes Nigra itself explains the unusual suggested warmth in the polar region.

Taking the concept of the Great Loadstone to new heights, William Gilbert in his 1600 book De Magnete proposed a "magnetic philosophy" that ascribes an animistic spirit in all things to geomagnetism. One of the greatest proponents of this philosophy was Athanasius Kircher. A scientist, orientalist and occultist, Kircher spent years researching subterranean forces including the volcanoes of Etna, Stromboli and Vesuvius. He was even lowered into the crater of the latter volcano to study its dimensions. Kircher's two-volume Mundus Subterraneus was exceptionally highly regarded during his time.

Pinatubo and Magnetism

The Zambales (Sambal) range, where Mt. Pinatubo is found, is home to one of the world's major and best preserved ophiolites. An ophiolite is a geological formation that causes magnetic anomalies creating its own magnetic and gravity fields.

Most ophiolites have been broken into many parts by ocean action, but the Zambales ophiolite is a massive intact formation measuring 150 kilometers long and 40 kilometers wide. This area has long been known for its remarkably pure magnetic iron ores containing 75 to 80 percent metal.

Aside from the magnetism of the ophiolite and magnetic iron deposits, Zambales also contains large amounts of magnetic lahar deposited after Pinatubo's last eruption. Pinatubo is described, by Imai et al., as an "east-dipping subduction of the Eurasian plate at the Manila Trench." The Zambales Ophiolite acts as its basement rock.

Pinatubo magnetic dacite pumices are divided into strongly magnetic types known as ferromagnetic, and weakly magnetic types known as antiferromagnetic.

Most of the pumice and lithic deposits of Pinatubo have reversed magnetism with respect to the geomagnetic field direction. Some ancient stone deposits, however, have scattered natural remanent magnetization.


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Beard, Charles R. Luck and Talismans: A Chapter of Popular Superstition, Kessinger Publishing, 2004.

Bina, M., J. C. Tanguy, V. Hoffmann, M. Prévot, E. L. Listanco, R. Keller, K. Th. Fehr, A. T. Goguitchaïchvili & R. S. Punongbayan. "A detailed magnetic and mineralogical study of self-reversed dacitic pumices from the 1991 Pinatubo eruption (Philippines)," Geophysical Journal International, Volume 138, July 1999, p. 159.

Dimalanta, C.B., Yumul,G.P.,Jr., De Jesus, J.V. and Faustino, D.V., 1999. Magnetic and gravity fields in southern Zambales: Implications on the evolution of the Zambales Ophiolite Complex, Luzon, Philippines. Geol. Soc. Malaysia Bull. 43, 537-543.

Imai,Akira, Eddie L. Listanco, and Toshitsugu Fujii. "Highly Oxidized and Sulfur-Rich Dacitic Magma of Mount Pinatubo: Implication for Metallogenesis of Porphyry Copper Mineralization in the Western Luzon Arc," FIRE and MUD: Eruptions and Lahars of Mount Pinatubo, Philippines, http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/contents.html, 1999.

Saturday, December 16, 2006

Riddle of faces on Pacific artifacts

Too bad they don't show pictures of the pottery images.


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento
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Scientists Solve Riddle Of Mysterious Faces On South Pacific Artifacts
Field Museum


The strange faces drawn on the first pottery made in the South Pacific more than 3,000 years ago have always been a mystery to scientists. Now their riddle may have been solved by new research done by two Field Museum scientists to be published in the February 2007 issue of the Cambridge Archaeological Journal.

John Terrell, Regenstein Curator of Pacific Anthropology at the Field Museum, and Esther M. Schechter, a Research Associate in the Department of Anthropology at the Field Museum, have pieced together evidence of several kinds leading to a radically different understanding of the religious life of people in the South Pacific 3,000 years ago.

What archaeologists working in the Pacific call prehistoric "Lapita" pottery has been found at more than 180 different places on tropical islands located in a broad arc of the southwestern Pacific from Papua New Guinea to Samoa.

Experts have long viewed the faces sometimes sketched by ancient potters on this pottery ware as almost certainly human in appearance, and they have considered them to be a sign that Pacific Islanders long ago may have worshiped their ancestors.

John Terrell, Regenstein Curator of Pacific Anthropology at The Field Museum, and Esther M. Schechter, a Research Associate in the Department of Anthropology at The Field Museum, have pieced together evidence of several kinds leading to a radically different understanding of the religious life of people in the South Pacific 3,000 years ago. Most of these mysterious faces, they report, may represent sea turtles. Furthermore, these ceramic portraits may be showing us ideas held by early Pacific Islanders about the origins of humankind.

Terrell and Schechter say the evidence they have assembled also shows that these religious ideas did not die when people in the Pacific stopped making Lapita pottery about 2,500 years ago. They have not only identified this expressive symbolism on prehistoric pottery excavated several years ago by Terrell and other archaeologists at Aitape on the Sepik Coast of northern New Guinea, but they have also found this type of iconography on wooden bowls and platters collected at present-day villages on this coast that are now safeguarded in The Field Museum's rich anthropological collections.

Terrell and Schechter's discovery suggests that a folktale recorded by others on this coast in the early 1970s--a story about a great sea turtle (the mother of all sea turtles) and the origins long ago of the first island, the first man, and the first woman on earth--might be thousands of years old. This legend may once have been as spiritually important to Pacific Islanders as the Biblical story of Adam and Eve has been in the Judeo-Christian tradition.

"Nothing we had been doing in New Guinea for years had prepared us for this discovery," Terrell explained. "We have now been able to describe for the first time four kinds of prehistoric pottery from the Sepik coast that when considered in series fill the temporal gap between practices and beliefs in Lapita times and the present day.

"A plausible reason for the persistence of this iconography is that it has referenced ideas about the living and the dead, the human and the divine, and the individual and society that remained socially and spiritually profound and worthy of expression long after the demise of Lapita as a distinct ceramic style," Terrell added.

More research needed

Terrell and Schechter acknowledge that more work must be done to pin down their unexpected discovery. Nevertheless, it now looks like they have not only deciphered the ancient "Lapita code" inscribed on pottery vessels in the south Pacific thousands of yeas ago, but by so doing, may have rescued one of the oldest religious beliefs of Pacific Islanders from the brink of oblivion.

"I was skeptical for a long time about connecting these designs with sea turtles," Schechter said, "but then the conservation biologist Regina Woodrom Luna in Hawaii pointed out that some of the designs match the distinctive beach tracks that a Green sea turtle makes when she is coming ashore to lay her eggs.

"Everything made even more sense when we came across the creation story about a great sea turtle and the first man and woman on earth," she added. "This story comes from a village only 75 miles away from where The Field Museum is working on the same coast of Papua New Guinea."

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Sunday, September 12, 2010

More on migration of Tantric concepts

In 1977, the anthroposophist Pio Filippani-Ronconi suggested that elements of Ismaili Shi'ism appeared to have originated from the Vajrayana Tantric Buddhist doctrine in Tibet.  Specifically he compared the Vajrayana system of the five Dhyani Buddhas, also called Jinas and Tathagatas, to the Holy Family of Islamic mysticism -- the Five of the Mantle.  Indeed, one could favorably compare many elements, particularly in the areas of cosmology and numerology, within the Tibetan and Islamic mystical traditions, and furthermore extend these westward to the Kabbalistic traditions.

The five Dhyani Buddhas are transcendental enlightened beings (Buddhas) as compared to their earthly, human counterparts known as Manusa Buddhas.  Each of the Dhyani Buddhas is linked with a specific cosmic time cycle, and also with a "family" of beings and attributes.  The five-fold division of the cosmos in line with the Dhyani Buddhas recalls the Wuxing classification in China, but we will not pursue that lead in this article.

Dhyani Buddhas are particularly associated with the five primary colors -- white, blue, red, gold/yellow, and green.  

In Islamic mystic tradition, the Five of the Mantle (or Cloak) -- Muhammad; his daughter Fatima, her husband 'Ali; and the couple's sons al-Hasan and al-Husayn -- become primordial, transcendental beings in Twelver Shi'ism.  They are said to have existed before Creation and are linked with successive cosmic cycles in a manner remarkably similar to that of the Dhyani Buddhas.  Additionally, the five are associated with the "Five Lights" or "Five Colors" a reference to the human incarnations of these transcendental beings.

In Tibetan Buddhism, the five Dhyani Buddhas are combined with a sixth being -- the Adibuddha -- representing the pantheistic totality of the group.  Similarly in Islamic mystical tradition, the angel Gabriel becomes the "sixth of you five," which Henry Corbin describes as the "uni-totality" of the pentad.  In both the Tibetan and Islamic systems, this sixth member is associated with the element of the mind, as Vajrasattva (manas "mind") in the case of the Adibuddha, and as the Ruh Natiqa or "Thinking Spirit" in the Ismaili tradition.


Body of Light

The association of the Dhyani Buddhas and the Five of the Mantle with the five colors links conceptually with the belief found in both schools that spiritual adepts can attain a "body of light."

In the Dzogchen and Bonpo traditions of Tibet, this is known as the Rainbow Body or the Rainbow Light Body.   Upon the attainment of the highest yogic plane before death, the yogi dissolves into the "Five Pure Lights," i.e., the five primary colors of the rainbow achieving union with the Dharmakaya, the pantheistic godstuff.

The Sufi "body of light" or "resurrection body" is attained by the adept who completes a sacred itinerary that is generally thought of as imaginal in nature.  Actually the final part of the journey is that in which the devotee travels to union with the Divine in this subtle body of light.


The Inner and Outer Journey

Both the Tibetan and Islamic mystical traditions include concepts of a pilgrimage that the adept undertakes to attain spiritual transformation.

In the Tibetan case, there are clearly both real world along with imaginal sides to this tradition. The pilgrimage sites are real places that have been traditionally used as such including Kamarupa in Assam, the Gondavari River in South India, and the Himalayan range in Nepal and Tibet.  The only really exotic destination is Suvarnadvipa, which also happens to be a key location in this blog's research.

The Tibetan pilgrimage sites are divided into five major groups -- the pitthas, ksetras, chandohas, melapakas and smasanas -- and these are further subdivided by adding the prefix upa- to each major group.  Thus there are five groups of pilgrimage sites, ten in all including subgroups, that are said to correspond also to ten parts of the human body:

Suvarnadvipa is included in the group known as the upamelapakas, which are associated with the feet and the calves.  According to Jamgon Kongtrul, the inner journey of transformation begins interestingly enough from the head and then moves downward toward the feet.  Suvarnadvipa is found at the eighth stage of awakening and is associated with the sacred ground known as the "Higher Gathering Place."  The sacred grounds of the ninth and tenth stages are known respectively as "Cemetery" and "Higher Cemetery" suggesting that the adept is already passed on beyond this life.

The Sufi and Shi'a sacred journey is represented by the journey of the birds to the East toward Mt. Qaf, the eighth mountain in a system that consists of either nine or ten stages.  The birds never proceed beyond Qaf, which is known as the Footstool of God, for the next stages take the adept to the very Throne of God.

For the Sufi mystics also, the inner itinerary begins from the top, starting in the eyes according to al-Kubra then moving down into the face, the chest, and then the rest of the body.  Like Suvarnadvipa, the eighth stage of the Tantric pilgrimage, Mt. Qaf, the eighth sphere, was located in the furthest East.  Abassid tradition places it "behind," i.e. on the other side of the China Sea.



Kabbalah echoes

The Zohar, the central text of Kabbalah that dates back to 13th century Spain, also emphasizes a journey, mainly spiritual in nature, that the practitioner undertakes to reach Gan Eden -- the Garden of Eden, also known as Pardes.  There are actually two Garden of Edens -- a heavenly one that one attains to after death, and an earthly garden where the Shekinah is exiled.

The Shekinah is the female aspect of the Divine that remained in the Terrestrial Paradise after the banishment of humanity.  The Kabbalah adepts seek to rejoin the Shekinah via a sacred pilgrimage to the primordial garden through mystical paths known as Sephirot.  The Sephirot were likened to the organs of the human body, specifically that of Adam Kadmon, the Primordial Man.

File:Tree of life hebrew.svg
The Sephirot shown in a traditional diagram. (Source:  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Tree_of_life_hebrew.svg)




 
From Wikipedia:  "Metaphorical representation of the Five Worlds, with the 10 Sephirot radiating in each, as successively smaller Iggulim-concentric circles."


At the top of the body is the first Sephira, Keter, the crown of the head, while the tenth and last Sephira corresponding to Gan Eden is Malkuth, which also represents the feet of Adam Kadmon.  The Hebrew term malkuth is related to the malakut of Islamic mysticism with both words referring to the "realm of kings," an area on the border of the earthly and heavenly regions.


Although the sacred journey of Kabbalah was an inner one, the belief in a real world Gan Eden did exist.  According to medieval documents like the Hebrew letters of Prester John, the location of Gan Eden was 'India ha-gedolah or "Further India," the same area where one finds the Sambatyon River and the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel.

Evidence exists that at least some medieval Kabbalists undertook real journeys to these far-off locations.  For example, Abraham Abulafia attempted to find the Sambatyon River with the idea that he could help the world along toward the end times, but also to help undo the "knots" that hindered his own spiritual development. 


Echoes in the East

Suvarnadvipa (Island of Gold) in the Tibetan version of the spiritual itinerary would equate with the locations of Qaf and Gan Eden in the respective Islamic and Kabbalah traditions. As I have argued often here, the Ming Dynasty kingdom known as Lusung (Luzon) was the political and cultural heir to Suvarnadvipa and located in the same geographical political center.

Here we can still find the concept of cyclic and generational time represented in the image of a human body divided into five parts.  The body thus divided could represent five generations of a clan, and also the cycles of regeneration and reincarnation that existed in the previous belief systems.

I have also suggested previously that the sacred lands of Lusung were apparently divided in a quadripartite fashion based on the imagery of the human body.  Thus, we have place names like Olongapo or Ulo ng Apo "Head of the Lord." 

Another example of the human form representing the cosmos or at least the Earth can be seen in the Tausug house architecture that interlinks Earth, tree, house and human body.



http://i18.photobucket.com/albums/b121/kharl_prado/tausug.jpg

A diagram of a traditional pentagonal Tausug house made with nine posts that create an outline of a human body in the well-known squatting figure motif.  The tree acts as the umbilical cord of the Mother Earth extended by a rope tied to a central post.  After nine months, the period of human gestation, the rope is cut.  (Sources  http://media.photobucket.com/image/tausug%20nine%20square%20house%20numbers/kharl_prado/tausug.jpg)


The house with it's symbolic human figure represents the "child" of the Earth and thus is a copy of the world in microcosm. While the oldest form of the Austronesian house had four corner posts, a central post is often added symbolically to represent the center of the world.  Thus, the five posts create an imagery of the cosmos. In the Austronesian scheme of the base, trunk and tip, the base of the house is the bottom and thus one travels back to the "source" by going from top to bottom.  

In another sense, the mythical family of Pinatubo and Arayat can be compared to the Holy Family of the Mantle in Islamic tradition.  In the local folk legends, this family is often represented with five members, for example, Sinukuan and his spouse and their three daughters. However, an extensive review of the traditions would allow us to logically reconstruct the family as consisting of the two deities of Pinatubo and Arayat, standing for the Moon and Sun respectively;  a single child for each of these deities, more connected with the Earth, who are involved in a battle-courtship; and the offspring of the latter who again has an astronomical relationship representing Venus, the Morning Star.

Islamic mystical tradition normally equates Muhammad with the Sun; 'Ali with the Moon; Fatima with Venus; while the al-Hasan and al-Husayn are sometimes equated with the pole stars.  The emphasis on the luminaries and Venus to the exclusion of the other planets is quite telling. The astronomical links here are clearly associated with the association of these "families" with cyclic time.

We also hear of widespread beliefs surrounding the rainbow in the Philippine region .  In some cases, the rainbow was equated with the Supreme Deity, while elsewhere it is seen as the abode of God or the gods.  Sometimes it is viewed as a bridge or boat by which one reaches the Divine after death.  There was a belief that people who died a noble death by the sword, or who were devoured by crocodiles, or struck by lightning, became anitos (deified spirits) and were united with the pantheistic Deity in the rainbow, or through the vehicle of the rainbow.

In Pampanga, the pantheistic nature of the rainbow can be seen in its name pinanari "loincloth of the King" with the "king" here probably referring to the creative force Mangetchay.

Concepts of transformation are also included in the practice of obtaining a mutya, although in this case the transformation involves those still living on earth.  Mutya refers to a pearl or gem that shines and radiates light.  Grace Odal-Devora states: "...the inherent powers and virtues of the various mutya objects can be the basis for conceptualizing on the nature of the self – that starts from discovering the innate powers and inherent virtues within and using them to transform oneself and one’s society – like the transformation of the pearl from slime, mud, sand or dirt into a gem of light, beauty, healing and purity."


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Cooper, David A. The Ecstatic Kabbalah. Boulder, Colo: Sounds True, 2005.

Corbin, Henry. Cyclical time and Ismaili Gnosis, http://www.amiscorbin.com/textes/anglais/Corbin%20Cyclical%20Time.pdf.


Idel, Moshe. Studies in Ecstatic Kabbalah. SUNY series in Judaica. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988.

Karma-gliṅ-pa, and W. Y. Evans-Wentz. The Tibetan Book of the Dead: Or, The After-Death Experiences on the Bardo Plane, According to Lāma Kazi Dawa-Samdup's English Rendering. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Katz, Nathan. Indo-Judaic Studies in the Twenty-First Century: A View from the Margin. New York: Palgrave Mac Millan, 2007, 64-5.

Merkur, Daniel. Gnosis: an esoteric tradition of mystical visions and unions. SUNY series in Western esoteric traditions. Albany, NY: State Univ. of New York Press, 1993, 217-245.

Odal-Devora, Grace. 2006. Some problems in determining the origin of the Philippine word "mutya" or "mutia."  Paper presented at Tenth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. 1720 January 2006. Puerto Princesa City, Palawan, Philippines. http://www.sil.org/asia/philippines/ical/papers.html.

Reyes y Florentino, Isabelo de los.  Notes in order to familiarize myself with Philippine theodicy : the religion of the Katipunan which is the religion of the ancient Filipinos, National Historical Institute, 1980, 4, 6.

Sakili, Abraham P. Space and Identity: Expressions in the Culture, Arts and Society of the Muslims in the Philippines. Diliman, Quezon City: Asian Center, University of the Philippines, 2003.

Silliman, Robert Benton. Religious Beliefs and Life at the Beginning of the Spanish Regime in the Philippines: Readings. Dumaguete City, Philippines: Reproduced by College of Theology, Silliman University, 1964.

Wallace, Vesna A. The Inner Kālacakratantra A Buddhist Tantric View of the Individual. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Zangpo, Ngawang, and Blo-gros-mtha'-yas . Sacred Ground: Jamgon Kongtrul on "Pilgrimage and Sacred Geography". Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion Publ, 2001.