Showing posts with label southeast asia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label southeast asia. Show all posts

Saturday, September 12, 2009

Single origin for domesticated dog in Southeast Asia and South China

At the end of this article is the abstract of a new study suggesting a single origin for dogs in Asia south of the Yangtze River. The entire article is available for free viewing and downloading online by following the Open Access link below.

The study uses the principle of "greatest diversity" in determining the origin of the domesticated dog. The idea again is that dogs migrating away from the place of origin carry some but not all of the genetic types found within the species. Therefore, nearly all the dogs outside of "ASY," which stands for "Asia south of the Yangtze," i.,e. South China and Southeast Asia, originated from a subset of the total haplogroups found in ASY. And there were many unique haplotypes found only in ASY. Only in this region were all 10 major haplogroups found and this number decreases as one moves further away through Eurasia with the lowest total of four haplogroups found in Europe.

Interestingly of all the geographic areas tested, the Southeast Asian sample had the highest genetic diversity at 0.9526 followed by South China at 0.9486. The exact samples from these regions are:


South China:
Guangdong (n=14), Guangxi (n=35), Hunan (n=54), Guizhou (n=57), Jiangxi (n=46), Yunnan (n=75)

Southeast Asia
Thailand (n=41), Vietnam (n=11), Cambodia (n=7)


What is apparent is that with the exception of northern Yunnan, the wolf is not present in any of these areas in modern times. At one time, it was assumed that the wolf must have extended over all this region and further because of the existence of the dingo in Australia.

The dingo was considered a wild dog, but modern research led by one of the supporting authors of the current study -- P. Savolainen -- suggests that the dingo is actually a descendant of the domesticated dog.

However, the dingo's behavior is very much like a wild dog suggesting that possibly it represents a mixture of wild and domesticated dogs. Multi-generational feral dogs generally depend on human settlement where they scavenge garbage heaps, beg for scraps, and, in some cases, prey on livestock. Most dingos, though, lived totally independent of human populations when they were first studied by Europeans.

Now the existence of similar "wild" dingos in Thailand and Sulawesi, and dingo-like feral dogs throughout much of Southeast Asia, is suggestive. If the original domesticated dog was often feral, as is the case in modern Southeast Asia, then interbreeding with wild wolves could have been commonplace.

Although wolf packs will attack dogs and other wolves that are strangers to the pack, when individuals break off from a pack to mate, they are much friendlier. It is known that wolves, for example, in the Americas will even sometimes mate with different species like the coyote.

So during the early domestication period, large packs of feral or semi-domesticated dogs may have bred with the wild dog, or wolf population. Eventually these mixed types would have developed into the wild-ranging dingo, or the wild populations wold merge with feral dog stocks. This could explain why the pure wolf is no longer found in Southeast Asia or most of South China.

Now when the domesticated dog moved out of ASY, it would have encountered different situations especially among pastoral peoples. These groups raise herds of free-ranging livestock, which are very vulnerable to predation by feral dogs. Thus, humans in these cultures would have taken greater measures to cull feral dog populations. Also, they probably trained dogs at an early age to guard herds and flocks against wolves, which would have helped prevent interbreeding between wolf and dog. Across many of the geographical areas bordering ASY, feral dog populations cannot survive to the same extent as in ASY. In these areas, dogs become more dependent on humans and the number of feral dogs decreases.

The authors suggest that the domesticated dog spread with agriculture, however, I think the archaeological record clearly contradicts this assertion. Dogs were diffused during the Mesolithic period, possibly when humans were first engaging in pastoralism, if we accept that the latter practice arose among hunter-gatherers. I wonder if there is any influence on the idea of dogs diffusing together with agriculture, that comes from the Chinese tradition of Panhu, the Dog-Man-God, which is sometimes interpreted as referring to the spread of the domesticated dog. I give my explanation of this myth and its relation to the spread of rice agriculture here and here.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento


Mol Biol Evol. 2009 Sep 1. [Epub ahead of print]
Click here to read
-->Links

mtDNA Data Indicates a Single Origin for Dogs South of Yangtze River, less than 16,300 Years Ago, from Numerous Wolves.

State Key Laboratory of Genetic Resources and Evolution, Kunming Institute of Zoology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Kunming 650223, China.
There is no generally accepted picture of where, when, and how the domestic dog originated. Previous studies of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) have failed to establish the time and precise place of origin because of lack of phylogenetic resolution in the so far studied control region (CR), and inadequate sampling. We therefore analysed entire mitochondrial genomes for 169 dogs to obtain maximal phylogenetic resolution, and the CR for 1,543 dogs across the Old World for a comprehensive picture of geographical diversity. Hereby, a detailed picture of the origins of the dog can for the first time be suggested. We obtained evidence that the dog has a single origin in time and space, and an estimation of the time of origin, number of founders and approximate region, which also gives potential clues about the human culture involved. The analyses showed that dogs universally share a common homogenous gene pool containing 10 major haplogroups. However, the full range of genetic diversity, all 10 haplogroups, was found only in south-eastern Asia south of Yangtze River, and diversity decreased following a gradient across Eurasia, through 7 haplogroups in Central China, and 5 in North China and Southwest Asia, down to only 4 haplogroups in Europe. The mean sequence distance to ancestral haplotypes indicates an origin 5,400-16,300 years ago from at least 51 female wolf founders. These results indicate that the domestic dog originated in southern China less than 16,300 years ago, from several hundred wolves. The place and time coincide approximately with the origin of rice agriculture, suggesting that the dogs may have originated among sedentary hunter-gatherers or early farmers, and the numerous founders indicate that wolf taming was an important culture trait.

---

Related links

Dog as deity, ancestor and royal animal
Article: Dog reverence in Southeast Asia and Pacific
Interpretations of the Dog Husband Theme
Rajasuya , Sunahsepa and the Royal Dog
Deluge, Gourd, Dog Husband



References

Fleming, Peter; Laurie Corbett, Robert Harden, Peter Thomson (2001). Managing the Impacts of Dingoes and Other Wild Dogs. Commonwealth of Australia: Bureau of Rural Sciences.
File:Dingos.jpg
Dingos (photo from Wikipedia)

Friday, September 11, 2009

New evidence of Cinnamon Route from Mtwapa, Kenya

An important story is circulating around in African popular publications, but unfortunately, maybe predictably, it has not been picked up yet by the Western popular media.

One version of the story of Dr. Chapurukha (Chap) Kusimba's research can be found at The East African website:

Digging for history in the sands of time
by Rupi Mangat

http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/magazine/-/434746/653420/-/item/0/-/mqc8qw/-/index.html



Here are two key paragraphs from the article on discoveries made by Dr. Kusimba, an archaeologist with the Field Museum in Chicago, at the Mtwapa ruins along the coast of southern Kenya:


“This era [the Holocene] sees the bi-directional flow of cultural objects and foods through trade over wide regions of the world. l’m particularly interested in how domestic rice, coconuts, chickens and the Indian cow (Bos indicus) reached Africa from Asia and how African domestic foods like sorghum and millet reached Asia and became staples in countries there.”

This list of trade items shows that many of these exchanges of crops between Africa and South East Asia through trade happened as early as 4,000 years ago.


Now obviously these discoveries are greatly supportive of the theories of J. I. Miller, myself and others about the ancient age of the Cinnamon Route.

In an email correspondence with Dr. Kusimba, I was able to find out that it was specifically the sorghum and millet from the Africa to Asia; and citrus fruit, bananas and Indica rice from Southeast Asia to Africa, that date back to about 4000 years ago (1732 BCE).

Chickens, probably from Insular Southeast Asia, date back at Mtwapa to about 1000 BCE, and the coconut finds have not been datable so far.

Previously I have discussed how banana phytoliths dating back to 500 BCE have been found in Nigeria, and dating to about 2500 BCE were discovered in Munsa, Uganda. Banana cultivation is complicated and labor-intensive so there is no doubt that these domesticated plants were carried to Africa by humans.

Dr. Kusimba mentions that East Africa was known to the ancient Romans as the "Cinnamon coast," and I have suggested earlier, following Miller, that the ancient port known as Rhapta in Greek texts was probably the Punt of the ancient Egyptians. Rhapta was located in the same area as the bustling medieval island ports of Pemba and Zanzibar in modern-day Tanzania. Evidence of chickens in Tanzania dates back to 2800 BCE. These islands are actually quite close to the Mtwapa ruins, which are just north of Mombasa. Possibly we can say that Mtwapa was in the same economic zone as Rhapta, and we cannot rule out that Mtwapa may have been the actual site of that ancient port.

There is evidence of cinnamon or cassia that has been found in animal mummies dating back to the XXIII Egyptian dynasty (818-715 BCE) by Dr. Stephen Buckley. He also found traces of cinnamon or cassia that he states probably came from Southeast Asia in the canopic jar of Djediufankh, which is dated to about 664 - 525 BCE. Cinnamon has also been found at a Hera temple on the island of Samos in Greece that dates back to the 7th century BCE. This evidence puts to rest the idea that that the cinnamon of the ancients that traveled up the eastern African coast was not the cinnamon of Asia that we know today.

It is also worth mentioning again the discovery of clove flower buds at Terqa, Syria, at roughly the same time as the earliest dates for Mtwapa. These cloves may have followed a different coastal route, which I have called the Clove Route, as opposed to the probably trans-oceanic Cinnamon Route that bypassed most of the Asian coast.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Saturday, November 29, 2008

Zimbabwean village chickens originate from Southeast Asia and India

A new study shows that village chickens (Gallus gallus) in Zimbabwe originate from two maternal mtDNA lineages. One of these lineages is from Southeast Asia, while the other is from India. The research also identified a third lineage that did not appear in Zimbabwe or other African chickens and likely originates in South China.
These chickens could have been brought by sea trade and logically then they would be related to the chicken species in Madagascar.

Anim Genet. 2008 Dec;39(6):615-22.Click here to read

Mitochondrial DNA D-loop sequences suggest a Southeast Asian and Indian origin of Zimbabwean village chickens.

Institute of Farm Animal Genetics, Friedrich-Loeffler-Institut, Höltystrasse 10, 31535 Neustadt, Germany.

This study sought to assess mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) diversity and phylogeographic structure of chickens from five agro-ecological zones of Zimbabwe. Furthermore, chickens from Zimbabwe were compared with populations from other geographical regions (Malawi, Sudan and Germany) and other management systems (broiler and layer purebred lines). Finally, haplotypes of these animals were aligned to chicken sequences, taken from GenBank, that reflected populations of presumed centres of domestication. A 455-bp fragment of the mtDNA D-loop region was sequenced in 283 chickens of 14 populations. Thirty-two variable sites that defined 34 haplotypes were observed. In Zimbabwean chickens, diversity within ecotypes accounted for 96.8% of the variation, indicating little differentiation between ecotypes. The 34 haplotypes clustered into three clades that corresponded to (i) Zimbabwean and Malawian chickens, (ii) broiler and layer purebred lines and Northwest European chickens, and (iii) a mixture of chickens from Zimbabwe, Sudan, Northwest Europe and the purebred lines. Diversity among clades explained more than 80% of the total variation. Results indicated the existence of two distinct maternal lineages evenly distributed among the five Zimbabwean chicken ecotypes. For one of these lineages, chickens from Zimbabwe and Malawi shared major haplotypes with chicken populations that have a Southeast Asian background. The second maternal lineage, probably from the Indian subcontinent, was common to the five Zimbabwean chicken ecotypes, Sudanese and Northwest European chickens as well as purebred broiler and layer chicken lines. A third maternal lineage excluded Zimbabwean and other African chickens and clustered with haplotypes presumably originating from South China.

Monday, July 14, 2008

Genetic history in mainland SE Asia as revealed by ancient and modern mtDNA

A new American Journal of Physical Anthropology article studies the mtDNA from both ancient human remains in northeast Thailand, and modern human samples from the same area and surrounding regions.

The findings basically show that the two ancient groups, from the Bronze and Iron ages, resemble Austro-Asiatic-speaking populations. The modern Tai-Kadai speakers were more closely related to Southeast Asians than to East Asians, but they formed a separate group in the region. Among Southeast Asians the Tai-Kadai of Thailand are closest to the Khmer and this is explained by the researchers as related to the Khmer subjugation of the Tai-Kadai after their arrival in Thailand in the 10th-11th CE.

American Journal of Physical Anthropology

Published Online: 9 Jul 2008

Genetic history of Southeast Asian populations as revealed by ancient and modern human mitochondrial DNA analysis

Patcharee Lertrit, Samerchai Poolsuwan, Rachanie Thosarat, Thitima Sanpachudayan, Hathaichanoke Boonyarit, Chatchai Chinpaisal, Bhoom Suktitipat

The 360 base-pair fragment in HVS-1 of the mitochondrial genome were determined from ancient human remains excavated at Noen U-loke and Ban Lum-Khao, two Bronze and Iron Age archaeological sites in Northeastern Thailand, radio-carbon dated to circa 3,500-1,500 years BP and 3,200-2,400 years BP, respectively. These two neighboring populations were parts of early agricultural communities prevailing in northeastern Thailand from the fourth millennium BP onwards. The nucleotide sequences of these ancient samples were compared with the sequences of modern samples from various ethnic populations of East and Southeast Asia, encompassing four major linguistic affiliations (Altaic, Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai, and Austroasiatic), to investigate the genetic relationships and history among them. The two ancient samples were most closely related to each other, and next most closely related to the Chao-Bon, an Austroasiatic-speaking group living near the archaeological sites, suggesting that the genetic continuum may have persisted since prehistoric times in situ among the native, perhaps Austroasiatic-speaking population. Tai-Kadai groups formed close affinities among themselves, with a tendency to be more closely related to other Southeast Asian populations than to populations from further north. The Tai-Kadai groups were relatively distant from all groups that have presumably been in Southeast Asia for longer-that is, the two ancient groups and the Austroasiatic-speaking groups, with the exception of the Khmer group. This finding is compatible with the known history of the Thais: their late arrival in Southeast Asia from southern China after the 10th-11th century AD, followed by a period of subjugation under the Khmers. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc.


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Wednesday, April 23, 2008

Climate Change, Sundaland and Human Migration

A March 2008 study provides some of the first genetic evidence of human migration apparently caused by the submergence of Sundaland starting at the beginning of the current warm Holocene period.

MtDNA haplotype E reached Taiwan and the Western Pacific from Sundaland within the last 8,000 years. From a practical standpoint it would be difficult to conceive that the vast sea flooding of the continent would not have spurred extensive demographic movements. Stephen Oppenheimer, whose book "Eden in the East," studied the evidence for such migrations, is one of the contributing authors of this study published in the journal Molecular Biological Evolution.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Mol Biol Evol. 2008 Mar 21

Climate Change and Post-Glacial Human Dispersals in Southeast Asia.

Institute of Integrative and Comparative Biology, Faculty of Biological Sciences, University of Leeds, Leeds, UK.

Modern humans have been living in Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) for at least 50,000 years. Largely because of the influence of linguistic studies, however, which have a shallow time depth, the attention of archaeologists and geneticists has usually been focused on the last 6000 years - in particular, on a proposed Neolithic dispersal from China and Taiwan. Here we use complete mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) genome sequencing to spotlight some earlier processes that clearly had a major role in the demographic history of the region but have hitherto been unrecognised. We show that haplogroup E, an important component of mtDNA diversity in the region, evolved in situ over the last 35,000 years and expanded dramatically throughout ISEA around the beginning of the Holocene, at the time when the ancient continent of Sundaland was being broken up into the present-day archipelago by rising sea levels. It reached Taiwan and Near Oceania more recently, within the last approximately 8000 years. This suggests that global warming and sea-level rises at the end of the Ice Age, 15,000-7000 years ago, were the main forces shaping modern human diversity in the region.


Sunday, October 14, 2007

Early States in Southeast Asia

In studying early state formation in Southeast Asia, we rely on documentary evidence, exclusively Chinese in origin, along with paleolinguistic and cultural evidence much more than archaeological data.

Indeed, the first solid archaeological evidence of Southeast Asian states starts only around 1,500 years ago, and even here in many cases is very spotty or even absent for historically-documented states. For example, little remains of the city-state of Brunei that impressed Pigafetta, a member of Magellan's expedition, so much only about 500 years ago.

Chinese documentation is both historical and legendary/traditional. The earliest clearly historical works mentioning the southern kingdoms date probably from the Zhou period and describe the Yue kingdoms near the Yangtze. That these states and statelets were fairly organized can by ascertained by their successful resistance to the initial invasions by the Qin emperor. At this time, we also hear of a state much further south -- that of Nam Yue or Giao Chi -- the territory comprising modern northern Vietnam, and to the south of this was Nhat Nam, the predecessor of the Champa kingdom.

At the end of the Qin Dynasty, Nam Yue falls to Chinese forces and texts from the succeeding Han Dynasty give examples of what are stated to be words used by the Yue people. Tsu-lin Mei and Jerry Norman have identified these Yue words as Austro-Asiatic in origin. It is highly likely though that the Yue peoples included Kadai, Hmong-Mien and Tibeto-Burman speakers also.

Vietnamese legendary history tells of the Hung kings who ruled before the Chinese invasions. They probably can be associated with the Dongson culture whose spectacular bronze work was so closely related to that of South China. Also in this area was the Sa-Huynh-Kalanay culture, which produced the highly artistic lingling-o and bicephalous jewelry and eastern Asia's oldest iron working. Both these cultural complexes were found far and wide through much of both mainland and insular Southeast Asia.

When Nan Yue falls to Chinese forces, the histories record that the "princes of the Hundred Yue (Bai Yue)" came to submit to the Chinese officials.

Vietnamese linguist Hoang Thi Chau (Taylor, p. 377) studying terms used for Hung kings such as "headman" (phu-dao), “lady or princess” (mi-nuong), and “gentleman or prince” (quan-lang) suggests that they are shared by both Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian languages in Southeast Asia. He posits these terms entered into the Chinese language from the South. Furthermore he found that the word for “maidservant or slave” (xao) was shared with Thai, "assistant headman" (bo-chinh) with Austronesian Jarai, and "people, subjects" (hon) with Thai and Cham.

Keith Weller Taylor in The Birth of Vietnam mentions the widespread theme of a seafaring/aquatic stranger marrying a local princess that also characterizes Hung Dynasty legends. He states:

Jean Pryzluski ("La Princesse a l'odeur de poisson et Ia Nagi dans bes traditions de b'Asie oriental") pointed out that the idea of sovereignty's issuing from the sea is directly opposed to the continental cultures of the Indo-Aryans and Chinese and attributed it to a prehistoric maritime civilization in Southeast Asia. For more on this, see my “Madagascar and the Ancient Malayo-Polynesian myths. [Taylor, KW “Madagascar and the Ancient Malayo-Polynesian Myths.” In Explorations in Early Southeast Asian History: The Origins of Southeast Asian Statecraft, Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asia, no II, edited by KR Hall and JK Whitmore, pp. 25—60. Ann Arbor, 1976.]

With reference to Austronesians, we can now turn to that part of the equation as revealed by Chinese texts.

Along with the Yue of the South, in the eastern regions particularly in Shandong, the texts tell of the "barbarian" Yi peoples including the Dongyi (Dong Yi) or "Eastern Yi."

These coastal folk play an important role going back at least to Shang times although the term "Yi" occurs only in latter literature. While no Yi words have been recorded, it may be that the Austronesian strata in Japanese is explained by the existence of Nusantao mariner/merchants along the eastern Chinese coast. These seafarers would have constituted a significant part of the Yi peoples. The early Yi folk likely also consisted of Proto-Korean, Proto-Japanese, Austro-Asiatic and other peoples mixing together with Sino-Tibetan speakers from further West.

The same Nusantao-Yi groups might also point to an existence of an adstrata in Chinese as an alternative explanation to recent theories of a Sino-Austronesian language family.

Sarah Allan has shown that the Oracle Bone Inscriptions, Shang Origin Myth, Mulberry Tree Tradition and historical tradition all state that Jun (Shun) was the ancestor of the Shang rulers. Furthermore the legendary and historical traditions state that Jun comes from Tanggu, the "Hot Water Valley" or "Warm Springs Valley" located near the Fusang Tree. Tanggu is also known in latter sources as Yanggu "Valley of the Sun." In the Oracle Bone Inscriptions, Allan suggests that a belief in the Fusang Tree is found in the characters for "east" and "west."

Latter texts link the origin of the Shang with the Dongyi, so we can suggest that the Dongyi must be connected with the ancestor Jun and the location of Tanggu and the Fusang Tree.

The Han Dynasty text Shanhaijing describes or infers separately that Tanggu is located either southwest, south or southeast of Wa, the ancient name for Japan. The Fusang Tree is also said to be beyond the Southeastern Sea.

These suggestions actually agree quite well with what archaeologist Chang Kwang-chih has called the Lungshanoid Interaction Sphere and with what others call the Southern Interaction Sphere. That is, a region of closely-linked cultural complexes with established relationships that span for thousands of years.

These cultures include the Lungshanoid, an archaeological culture that can be considered "Proto-Shang," and the Yuanshan, a complex sometimes called "Proto-Lungshanoid" in Taiwan. In the Philippines, the red-slipped wares and lime-impressed wares are closely linked with the Yuanshan of Taiwan. The oldest red-slipped and lime-impressed wares go back to 5340 BCE at Balobok Rockshelter in the southern Philippines. Red-slipped ware is characterized by geometric decorations consisting of dentate patterns, triangles (often hachured and with circles or semi-circles at apex) and impresses circles sometimes filled with lime.


Neolithic Southeast Asian pottery designs showing dentate pattern, circles, triangles often topped with circles/semi-circles. The dentate pattern is called tumpal in modern Indonesia and is thought to represent mountains, crocodile teeth, etc. From top to bottom, left to right, Kamassi, Sulawesi, Indonesia; Minanga Sipakko, Sulawesi; Batungan, Masbate, Philippines; next two from Kamassi, Sulawesi; Galumpang, Sulawesi; next three designs from sherds found north of Hong Kong; next two from Saipan; the bordered images at the bottom come from sherds associated with the Son Culture around Hong Kong. Images from Miksic, John N. Earthenware in Southeast Asia: Proceedings of the Singapore Symposium, National University of Singapore Press, 2003.


As with the Dongson culture and the Hung kings of Vietnam, there is little strong archaeological evidence of what might be called a "state" that has been uncovered in either Taiwan or the Philippines at this period. That of course does not mean that such polities did not exist as demonstrated previously.

There is abundant evidence though of widespread trade in this area and in the region as a whole. The Nusantao trade network was in full force at this time and Wilhelm Solheim considers it already at least a few thousand years old in East China at the beginning of the dynasty.

The Shang themselves were so heavily involved in trade and commerce that the word "shang" came to be used to denote "merchant, trader" in the Chinese language. And Shang trade largely involved the southern interaction spheres. A number of Shang kings and officials seem even to have originated or visited Tanggu. These include the legendary king Wang Hai and the founder of the historical dynasty Tang who may have been born at Tanggu, and whose minister Yi Yin is said to come from the Hollow Mulberry, a location very near Tanggu.

Legendary rulers like Jun are called "ti" or "di," which meant "emperor" in the earliest times but later becomes the word for "god." Possibly there is a connection with Cecilio Lopez''s Proto-Austronesian or Ur-Austronesian reconstruction *qa(n)dih "monarch, ruler." I have suggested previously that "ari," a reflex of *qa(n)dih was probably represented as "li," a title of emissaries from Sanfotsi, a kingdom directly south of Quanzhou.

Researchers such as Bentley, Geertz and Tambiah have noted that Southeast Asian states tended to fit into the model of "theater states" or "galactic polities." The Shang Dynasty also fits quite well into this model.

In this scheme, the ruler's source of authority is ritual, tradition and mythos, where in other systems these are used instead to legitimize the ruler's power. The state controls very little of the internal economic system particularly with reference to agriculture, although we know that the Shang regulated bronze production in their domain. The theater state ruler did exercise authority over external trade and was responsible for a great deal of the distribution of highly-valued foreign goods helping to solidify goodwill toward the state.

Authority was considered rather divine but not necessarily hereditary. According to Chinese tradition, the pre-dynastic kings did not follow hereditary succession although they were aware of it. It was not until the Xia Dynasty that royal lineage takes over, but even here it is not absolute. Unlike medieval Europe, new dynasties could arise in China from people belonging to any class and not only from the nobility or royal descendants.

In Southeast Asia, there appeared to be separate divisions of hereditary rulers often linked with gods or first ancestors and having a combined priestly-ritual function, and a merit-based class of leaders who often performed most or all of the executive functions.

Early researchers proposed that with the coming of Indic influence, the Southeast Asian states lost their own character citing the marked influence of art and writing. However, more in-depth studies demonstrate that the Southeast Asian polity combined aspects of Indian and Chinese statecraft unto a mostly indigenous base.

For example, if we look at Pacific island polities and socio-political organization among cultures untouched by either Chinese or Indian statecraft, we find something very similar to what underlies the functioning of the Southeast Asian state only a larger scale. The Divine King of the Devaraja cult, for example, despite the Sanskrit nomenclature finds its closest counterpart with the Divine Chief and Divine Headman of the Pacific.

The words used for the nobility, trade and related subjects most often can be reconstructed from regional language groupings showing their age and origin.

In areas of economics and monetary policy, Southeast Asia was more largely influenced by China. Stringed cash of Chinese origin, probably having a broader Asian Pacific origin in shell money, became very popular during medieval times. Trade with China came second only to interregional Southeast Asian trade.

Indian influence was strongest in the arts and religion. However, quite clearly many of the state rituals were of pre-Indic influence including the widespread royal water buffalo sacrifice, something which may in fact have entered or re-entered Indian royal practice from Southeast Asia.

Entities within the state were organized in clusters that often could be far-flung from one another with non-aligned or enemy areas in-between. However, they all revolved around a cosmic center connected again with ritual and myth.

Both the center of the galactic polity and its ruler represented the cosmos in microcosm.

These ideas can be traced, I believe, to the Dog Tumulus Country, another name for Tanggu and Penglai. The Dog Tumulus or Dog Altar refers to the altar of Jun mentioned in the Shanhaijing near the Fusang Tree. It can be identified with Hundun, the dog-shaped "Emperor of the Center."

Here the dog stands both for the center and the ruler, both resonating aspects of the regenerating cosmos signified by the motifs of altar and sacrifice.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Bentley, G. Carter. "Indigenous States of Southeast Asia", Annual Review of Anthropology 15 (1986):275-305.

Geertz, Clifford. Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali.,Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980.

Lopez, Cecilio. A Comparative Philippine Word-list: Sequels I & II, University of the Philippines, 1976.

Mei, Tsu-lin and Jerry Norman. “The Austroasiatics in Ancient South China: Some Lexical Evidence." Monumenta Serica 32 (1976): 274-301.

Tambiah, Stanley J. The Galactic Polity: The Structure of Traditional Kingdoms in Southeast Asia. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 293: 69—97.

Taylor, Keith W. The Birth of Vietnam, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983.

Wednesday, October 03, 2007

Cinnamon/Cassia residues found on Ancient Egyptian remains

Dr. Stephen Buckley of the University of York found traces
of what was probably cinnamon or cassia from Southeast Asia in the
residue of an Egyptian canopic jar.

This "Cinnamon Route" from Southeast Asia to Rhapta in southeastern Africa and then eventually to Egypt has been discussed on this blog previously.

http://www.cronaca.com/archives/week_2005_05_29.html

Canopic jar residue

For the past 36 years, an Egyptian jar has stood in the collection
of a Harrogate museum and, for countless years before that, lay in the
deserts of the Middle East. But tests have proved that the residue
inside is not just the grime of centuries, but is all that is left of
a long-dead priest.

Experts at York University, led by Dr Stephen Buckley, have
established the residue is cholesterol from human remains. . .

The testing also confirmed the Egyptians had sterilised the body
and entrails using alcohol as an antiseptic.

And for the first time, science has been able to show that the
alcohol used was date palm wine, confirming descriptions given by
classical authors such as the ancient Greek historian Herodotus.

It was also revealed that the organs stored inside the jar had
been treated with an aromatic spice, probably scented cinnamon or
cassia imported from South-East Asia.
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Next a more recent study by Dr. Buckley reveals that cinnamon was used
to mummify cats:

Science Daily — Examination of Egyptian mummies has shown that animals
such as cats and crocodiles were given a far more careful and
expensive trip to the afterlife than previously thought.

The mummification process, which was crucial to the ancient Egyptians
so their bodies survived and they could become immortal, is being
investigated by Dr Stephen Buckley at the University of York. He was
speaking on September 11, 2007 at the BA Festival of Science.

His work uses modern chemistry techniques to look at exactly what was
used to mummify humans and animals.

The technique involves taking a very small sample of the mummy and
examining it for traces of chemicals using equipment commonly used in
forensic studies.

The compounds that Dr Buckley finds act as the chemical fingerprints
for the materials used by the Egyptian embalmers. These included
animal fats, beeswax, plant oils and resins, and more exotic materials
such as marjoram and cinnamon.

Following examination of over 100 samples it is clear that different
animals were treated with different mummification materials. These
"recipes" varied considerably, but it is believed that there is a
symbolic association between the ingredients used for each animal and
the god they represented.

"Mummification of animals has been thought of as cheap and cheerful,
but this shows that a significant amount of effort, knowledge and
expense was afforded to them," explained Dr Buckley.

"Cats in particular received special attention and this fits with the
idea of cats having a special place in Egyptian life."

Cats were associated with the Egyptian goddess Bastet, who was
particularly revered. To mummify a cat for its journey to the
afterlife, the typical recipe would have been 80 per cent fat or oil,
10 per cent pistacia resin, 10 per cent conifer resin and a pinch of
cinnamon.

"The Egyptian embalmers understood that there were things that caused
the body to decay and they discovered that certain materials could
help preserve the bodies. The resins they used on the inside of the
bodies had anti-bacterial properties whilst those used on the outside
acted as a barrier to moisture and fungus," said Dr Buckley.

This knowledge of the embalmers lives today on as some of those
compounds used to preserve mummies are used in modern anti-bacterial
products.

Dr Buckley's findings also shed light on the politics, religion and
trade-routes of the Egyptians.

The black colouring of the mummy of the Priest of Min at Hull Museum
is due to bitumen that was imported from Persia. This material was
both practical and symbolic. Min was the Egyptian fertility god and
the Egyptians used black silt to fertilise their fields so the mummy's
colour represents the land and the god.

Note: This story has been adapted from a news release issued by
British Association For The Advancement Of Science.
---
http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2007/09/070912155750.htm


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Saturday, August 04, 2007

Y chromosome study probes ancient Liangzhu culture

A new DNA study from China suggests, among other things, that the ancient Liangzhu Culture of the Yangtze region, famed for its jade work, had genetic signatures suggesting an Austronesian and Daic population. One has to question whether genetics, in this case the O1 haplotype, can say anything about language culture especially that far back in time, but the study does support the archaeological evidence suggesting Liangzhu had links with areas further South.

Y chromosomes of prehistoric people along the Yangtze River.

MOE Key Laboratory of Contemporary Anthropology, School of Life Sciences, Fudan University, Shanghai, 200433, China.

The ability to extract mitochondrial and nuclear DNA from ancient remains has enabled the study of ancient DNA, a legitimate field for over 20 years now. Recently, Y chromosome genotyping has begun to be applied to ancient DNA. The Y chromosome haplogroup in East Asia has since caught the attention of molecular anthropologists, as it is one of the most ethnic-related genetic markers of the region. In this paper, the Y chromosome haplogroup of DNA from ancient East Asians was examined, in order to genetically link them to modern populations. Fifty-six human remains were sampled from five archaeological sites, primarily along the Yangtze River. Strict criteria were followed to eliminate potential contamination. Five SNPs from the Y chromosome were successfully amplified from most of the samples, with at least 62.5% of the samples belonging to the O haplogroup, similar to the frequency for modern East Asian populations. A high frequency of O1 was found in Liangzhu Culture sites around the mouth of the Yangtze River, linking this culture to modern Austronesian and Daic populations. A rare haplogroup, O3d, was found at the Daxi site in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River, indicating that the Daxi people might be the ancestors of modern Hmong-Mien populations, which show only small traces of O3d today. Noticeable genetic segregation was observed among the prehistoric cultures, demonstrating the genetic foundation of the multiple origins of the Chinese Civilization.

Tuesday, July 24, 2007

More on Magnetism (Article)

The Earth rotates on its axis like a giant top. The northernmost point of this axis of rotation is known as the geographic North Pole. The southernmost point of the same axis is the geographic South Pole.

The movement of metal fluids like iron and nickel in the outer core of the Earth is believed to generate the Earth's magnetic field according to the Dynamo Theory.

One can imagine a massive bar magnet or dipole running through the earth creating the magnetic North and South poles.

However the magnetic poles do not coincide with the geographic poles.

The magnetic North Pole, for example, is inclined about 11.5 degrees from the geographic North Pole. The magnetic North Pole is located near Ellesmere Island to the west of northwest Greenland.

http://www.fas.org/irp/imint/docs/rst/Intro/pole.jpg
Magnetic poles is offset from geographic pole by 11.5 degrees (Source: http://www.fas.org/irp/imint/docs/rst/Intro/Part2_1a.html)

The angle between the geographic and magnetic poles is the primary cause of magnetic declination, the difference between a magnetic compass reading for North and the true direction of geographic North.

The line where magnetic declination is zero is known as the agonic line, as explained in the previous blog entry. And again, because of magnetic anomalies this line is not easy to predict.

The agonic line can be thought of as a sort of magnetic meridian. A medieval Chinese text discusses such a central meridian where magnetic declination is zero.

The center of the Earth's magnetic dipole, or "bar magnet," also deviates from the center of the Earth's core from which it is offset by about 700 kilometers toward Southeast Asia.

The reason for this offset of the magnetic poles and center can only be guessed at, but the inequality results in differing strengths of the Earth's magnetic field.

Because the center of the dipole is closer to Southeast Asia, the magnetic field in Southeast Asia is stronger than anywhere else in the world. This is known as the Southeast-Asian Anomaly and it is the area of the Earth's surface closest to the dipole's center. The magnetic field is strongest along the magnetic equator in the Southeast-Asian Anomaly.

In the Western Hemisphere we find the South Atlantic Anomaly (SAA), which is the area of the Earth's surface furthest from the center of the dipole. Here the magnetic field is weaker than in other areas of the globe.

Because the Southeast-Asian Anomaly represents a stronger field it is known as a positive anomaly while the SAA is a negative anomaly.

The known practical effects of these anomalies is mainly found in space flight where they interfere with communications in the ionosphere. All communications are disrupted in the Southeast-Asian Anomaly and high frequency communications in the South Atlantic Anomaly.


The Southeast-Asian Anomaly and South Atlantic Anomaly (SAA) from Earth's Magnetic Field.

Biomagnetism and Magnetoreception

Research has clearly shown that many species are able to orient themselves and navigate using magnetoreception to detect the Earth's magnetic field.

There are two types of known magnetoreception -- one using detection of the poles, or polarity; and the other detects differences in magnetic inclination or "dip."

While magnetoreception is widely recognized in birds, bacteria and other species, the evidence for human magnetoreception has been more controversial with some political overtones.

Robin Baker first claimed to have found evidence for human magnetic orientation in tests he conducted in 1987. His methods though were questioned. In 1989, however, R. G. Murphy found evidence of human orientation that was disturbed when a magnet, but not a piece of brass, was placed on the head of the subject. This suggested that the orientation was magnetic in nature.

While Baker's research with other species was acclaimed, when he turned toward human study, he encountered resistance to his efforts. Helen Saul writes:


Sadly, Baker's research stopped before it got much further. When he shifted his interest from animals, birds, and fish to humans, it became so contentious that he lost the general support of the scientific community..."The stark contrast between positive results and negative interpretations remains an unexplained feature of the literature on human magnetoreception," he [Baker] wrote in 1987. He eventually left his post at Manchester University, and since then, the work has fallen by the wayside.


Henry H. Bauer writes in Science Or Pseudoscience: magnetic healing, psychic phenomena, and other heterodoxies:


Baker's heresy has been to study human sensing of magnetic fields, which attracts opposition for no obvious reason: “Every animal seriously tested has been found to have a magnetic sense, and it now seems that the final search will be for an animal that is magnetically blind. It would be more surprising to discover that Man just happened to be that animal than to discover he was not”...the “atmosphere surrounding the study of human magnetoreception has, both publicly and less publicly, been just a little unpleasant.”



University of Hawai'i anthropologist Ben Finney picked up on Baker's research by discussing the subject with modern navigators trained in traditional Pacific Islander (Micronesian) navigation.

Finney came to the conclusion that magnetoreception might be employed by navigators on an intuitive basis:


Taken together with experimental findings about magnetoreception in various species, these reports suggest that skilled noninstrument navigators may be able to turn to magnetoreception for orientation cues of last resort and that this magnetic sense of direction may also play an unconscious role in dead reckoning. In the light of experimental evidence on the hierarchy of directional senses, it is not surprising that noninstrument navigators would refer the more exact cues available from the passage of the sun and stars across the sky to any feelings they might have about their bearings but be open to following those feelings whenever the situation demands.


Finney suggests, as I have also in my own writings, that magnetoreception may be a latent ability in humans that must be learned much like humans must learn how to swim.


The subjects-typically students-usually employed in magnetoreception experiments have been navigationally naive in comparison with such Pacific island masters as Mau Piailug and Nainoa Thompson. If there are striking differences in performance between young birds without navigational experience and veterans of migrational or homing flight, might not this also be the case for humans?


Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Baker, Robin. Human navigation and magnetoreception, Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1989.

Bauer, Henry H. Science Or Pseudoscience: magnetic healing, psychic phenomena, and other heterodoxies, University of Illinois Press, 2001.

Gehmeyr, Michael. Earth's Magnetic Field, Boston University, 2005.

Finney, Ben . "A Role for Magnetoreception in Human Navigation?" Current Anthropology, Vol. 36, No. 3. (Jun., 1995), pp. 500-506.

Murphy, RG. The development of magnetic compass orientation in children. Paper presented at the Royal Institute of Navigation Conference, 1989.

Saul, Helen. Phobias: Fighting the Fear, Arcade Publishing, 2004.



Sunday, February 25, 2007

Kunlun (崑崙山) (Glossary)

Kunlun (崑崙) is the name of a mountain and/or island in Chinese literature, usually interpreted as two different locations both known more descriptively as 崑崙山 "Mount Kunlun" (Kunlun-shan).

It is generally proposed that the earlier and "original" Kunlun was a mountain range west of China and found near the home of the "Queen Mother of the West." A later Mount Kunlun is located in the Southern Sea often identified as Pulo Condore off the south coast of Vietnam or more generally with the southeastern archipelago to include the Philippines and Maluku, or Southeast Asia as a whole.

However, there is considerable evidence suggesting that the earlier Kunlun is associated also at the same time as the western location with the region southeast of China. I will suggest that in this case Kunlunshan or Mount Kunlun as associated with the cosmic Ruo Tree represents the western counterpart of the Fusang Tree in the double mountain or double-peaked mountain theme.

Early texts like the Yaodian tell of the demon Gonggong's butting Mount Buzhou causing the earth to tilt toward the southeast where the waters flow and collect. These waters pressed toward the Kongsang Tree (Hollow Mulberry) widely seen as another name for the Fusang Tree in the southeast. In latter literature, it is stated that the earth's waters flowed via a current into the abyss known as the Weilu to the east of the Fusang Tree.

The underground Ruo (Weakwater) River, probably another name for the Yellow Springs, is said to rise to the surface at the foot of the Ruo Tree in some texts but at the foot of the Kongsang Tree in others. This fact, combined with the similarity of the ruo character with some oracle bone script forms of sang (mulberry) have led scholars like Mizukami Shizuo to suggest the two were confused and actually one and the same. Sarah Allan though notes that the Chuchi Tian and the Huainanzi mention both trees and a western tree where the sun ravens perch in the evening.

This situation can be solved by suggesting that the Ruo Tree in the "West" was actually western in orientation in relation to the Fusang Tree but was otherwise located in the same spot in the Southeastern Sea. Thus, the Ruo River would rise near both the Fusang and Ruo trees which faced each other on two peaks of a double-peaked mountain oriented east-west.

This idea is strengthened by the fact that the Fusang/Kongsang Tree is said to be situated near an eastern sea from which the Sun rises, while the Ruo Tree is near a western ocean where the Sun sets. The latter situation however would not apply to Central Asian locations often suggested for Kunlun like the Karakorum Mountains. Indeed the region around Kunlun is often described as an archipelago.

In the Huainanzi, four rivers radiate from the corners of Mount Kunlun: the Yellow River, probably not the modern one, from the northeast corner flows eastward, the Vermilion River flows from the southeast corner toward the southwest, the Ruo River from the southwest corner flows toward the south, and the Yang River in the northwest enters the sea south of the Winged People Country.

All four rivers are stated to enter the "Southern Sea." John S. Major explains this using the Gonggong story and the characteristics of rivers in China, but it could just as well describe a mountain on an island in the Southern Sea, where naturally all rivers would flow.

Southeast of Kunlun, texts like the Shanhaijing place a Jade Mountain associated with the Queen Mother of the West. The Weilu or "Tail-Gate" to the east of the Fusang Tree is also described as a jade mountain or jade rock in the sea. Joseph Needham notes that the Weilu was associated in latter times with the Kuroshio Current (Japan Current):


In +1067 Ssuma Kuang was quite sure that the Fu-Sang country was to the west of the Wei-Lü Current, i.e. on its hither side, a fact which had much influence on latter European sinologists. By +1744 Chhen Lun-Chiung spoke with the voice of centuries-long tradition when he said that the Wei-Lü was the ancient name of the current now known as the Kuroshio...In his Ling Wai Tai Ta, speaking of Java (Shé-pho), Chou Chhu-Fei says: 'East of Shé-pho is the Great Eastern Ocean Sea, where the waters begin gradually to slope downwards. The Kingdom of Women (Nu-Jen Kuo) lies there. Still further east is the place where the Wei-Lü drains into the world from which men do not return. The statement about the point of origin of the Kuroshio current was right enough, though we should say the Philippines instead of Java; and perhaps the 'bourne from whence no traveller returns' was the American continent rather than the abyss.

The Ling Wai Tai Ta, a Sung Dynasty work also mentions the belief that it was at the Weilu that the ocean water "pours down into the Nine Underworlds." In a similar sense, the Ruo River and Yellow Springs are directly linked with the Underworld. In the earliest reference to the Yellow Springs in the Zuozhuan, for example, Duke Zhuang of Qing tells his mother "we shall not meet one another until we reach the Yellow Springs," i.e. the land of the dead.

Some Daoist commentators view the Weilu as a superheated rock or mountain in the ocean that evaporates water on contact. The description calls to mind the Indian Vadavamukha, the fiery submarine mare's head that continuously consumes the ocean's waters.

The association with cinnabar, the sunbirds, the axis mundi, the cataclysm of fire and water are other details that point to a location in the southeast.

Medieval texts

Kunlun in medieval times, especially starting in the T'ang Dynasty, is most often used to describe places and people from the south or southeast of China.

The world "Kunlun" (崑崙) at all times appears to be a Chinese rendering of a foreign word. Some have suggested that the word is derived from "Kurung" or "Kulung," which according to Chinese sources was the family name of the kings of Bnam. Others associate it with Khmer words like Krom (Old Khmer kloñ and Cham klauñ), and related Arabic terms like Komr and Kamrun as "Kunlun" is used in describing the kingdoms and rulers of the Funan and Linyi kingdoms in Indochina.

Another possibility, first suggested by Moens, is that the use of Kunlun to suggest a king or ruler might be related to terms like "kulano" and "kolano" found in Maluku and Mindanao.

The term "Kunlun" along with related words "Kulun" and "Gulun" also appear as ethnonyms , especially for a group of people traded as slaves starting around T'ang Dynasty times. These slaves are described as dark-skinned and frizzy haired, much the same as the people of Funan and Linyi, whose rulers was also known as Kunlun. These Kunlun slaves though are strangely said to have yellow hair possibly a reference to the common Melanesian trait of blondism.

The traveller I-Ching and the herbalist Su-Kung mention cloves growing in Kunlun suggesting Maluku where there are many people of "Melanesian" physical type.

A Chinese-Sanskrit dictionary of the 7th or 8th century equates Chinese Kunlun with Sanskrit Dvipantara a general term for insular Southeast Asia extending all the way to the sources of cloves.

Of course, these etymologies for "Kunlun" would presumbly relate only to the southern locations, unless the word migrated from an original home in regions to the south or southeast of China toward the west of China in conformance with Chinese views of their country as the "Middle Kingdom."

The Kunlun were one of three local seafaring people involved in Southeast Asian maritime trade, the others being the Po-sse and the Yueh. Of these, the Kunlun appear to have been most closely associated with "Melanesian" or "Negrito" types although it would probably be a mistake to think of "Kunlun" as a racial designation. The Chinese generally thought of all the Man or "Southern Barbarian" people as having dark complexion.

Axis mundi

The prime example of the axis mundi in Chinese literature is probably the Kongsang Tree upon which one climbs to Heaven. The association of Mount Kunlun and the "Kunlun Pass" with the axis mundi apparently relates to its connection with the Kongsang or "Hollow Mulberry" via the Ruo River textual passages.

We can also see this in the idea of the goddess Miao Shan, a form of Kuanyin, having her home in Mount Potalaka, the Buddhist version of the axis mundi. This is generally identified as Putuoshan off the Zhejiang coast, although Miao Shan originally hails from the more southern kingdom of Hsing Lin in Southeast Asia.

Miao Shan also known as Nanhai-kuanyin "Kuanyin of the Southern Sea," appears to fuse together aspects of earlier goddesses like Xihe of the Southeastern Sea, Mazu, patroness of seafarers, Kuanyin and even the Queen Mother of the West.

Millennial aspects of Miao Shan especially as found in the Xian tian da dao system show up widely in South China and Southeast Asia fit in generally with the strong millennarian milieu of the southern regions which can be extended back in Chinese literature to the tale of multiple Suns/Ages of the Fusang Tree.

Multiple streams of information suggest the association of Mount Kunlun with the axis mundi originally has a southeastern origin derived from the conception of a double mountain, of which it constitutes the western half, that eventually leads to the placement of Kunlun to the West of the Middle Kingdom in Chinese cosmology/geography. However, at the same time, the southern Kunlun never quite fades away as the existence of the rather specific name Kunlunshan (崑崙山) for a kingdom in the South indicates.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Donkin, Robin. Between East and West: The Moluccas and the Traffic in Spices Up to the Arrival of Europeans, DIANE, 2003, p. 153.

Needham, Joseph. Science and Civilisation in China, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 549-550.

Schafer, Edward Hetzel. The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics, University of California, 1985, p. 290, notes 45-50.

Schipper, Kristofer Marinus. The Taoist Body, University of California
Press, 1994, p. 107.






Saturday, October 28, 2006

Article: Dog reverence in Southeast Asia and Pacific

The first dog remains confidently dated in Southeast Asia go back 14,000 years, but the identification is not that firm. Otherwise, clearly-identified and dated remains go back to 9000 BP. In China, the oldest confident dates go back to 9,500 BP.

Maria Isabel Ongpin excavated four successive layers at Lemery, Batangas in the Philippines including a Neolithic level (8000 BCE-4000 BCE) with dog and horse bones.

These are the oldest remains of both animals in Insular Southeast Asia (ISEA) during the present Holocene period. Interestingly, this site is associated with obsidian microliths.

Obsidian sources in ISEA have been elusive and obsidian found at Bukit Tengkorak in southeastern Sabah (Borneo), and dated to the 5th millennium BCE, is believed to come from the far-off New Hebrides in Melanesia. This indicates long distance trade, the same trade that plausibly could account for the horse and dog bones at Lemery.

Recent research has shown that the dingo of Australia is a species of domesticated dog gone wild again. Some think that the dingo was brought to Australia during the Pleistocene although others assert it was the Proto-Austronesians or Austronesians who transferred the canine species. Either way, it indicates the dog's wild ancestors must have been domesticated much earlier than the dingo's arrival. With this in mind, LV Hayes has reconstructed a Proto-Austric word for "dog" in *asu and *atsu.

As the dog and dingo descend from the wolf, it is likely that either the Chinese Wolf, Canis lupus chanco, or the Indian Wolf, Canis lupus pallipes, is involved. Canis lupus chanco, can be found as far south as Yunnan, while the Indian Wolf ranges eastward to West Bengal and Orissa.

It would seem that one of these species being well-adapted to warmer, humid climates would give rise to the dingo. Dingo-like dogs can be found throughout mainland and insular Southeast Asia, as well as Australia, Papua New Guinea and other parts of Oceania.

Sacred Dogs

In the earliest layers at Non Nok Tha in Thailand, radiocarbon dated to 5000 BCE - 4500 BCE, a full dog skeleton is found at the feet of a buried child with pig leg and jaw bones on the child's chest. This indicates a ritual significance to these animals.

Non Nok Tha and Phu Wiang also show evidence of butchering of dogs although it cannot be said whether this involved dog sacrifice.

Later at Ban Chiang, radiocarbon dated to start around 3600 BCE, we also see this continued use of the dog in burials, and at Nong Nor in central Thailand during the third millennium BCE, dog skulls were interred together with humans.

At roughly the same time as Non Nok Tha, male burials of the Dawenkou culture of Shandong in eastern China are also found together with dog remains.

After this period, dog images turn up frequently on bronze weapons of the Dongson culture, and later we find a child-dog burial at Santa Ana, Philippines during the Sung dynasty period.

The limited archaeological evidence, however, masks widespread significance of the dog in the region of Southeast Asia, and spreading into the Pacific. Indeed, there is evidence of a strong circum-Pacific distribution of dog ancestry myths. Such myths for example, are more strongly concentrated on or near the Pacific coast of the Western hemisphere than elsewhere in the Americas.

Dog ancestry

In the Southeast Asia/Pacific region, myths of dog ancestry can be found throughout South China and Indochina, in Burma, among the Nagas of Assam, in the Nicobar and Andaman islands, Java, Sumatra, Borneo, the Philippines, Celebes, Hainan, Taiwan, New Guinea and New Zealand.

Dog-man myths are spread out as far as Hawai'i.

Chungshee Hsien Liu asserted that the dog ancestry myths in South China were of "proto-Malay" origin. S.I. Rudenko analyzed these beliefs and linked them with early Austronesian or Proto-Austronesian core myths of a people's descent from a goddess that married a dog.

From these core beliefs, different regional branches developed divergent themes and motifs.

Chinese traditions tell of a "Dog Fief" or "Dog Altar/Tumulus" country known as Quan-feng-kuo somewhere in the ocean off Kuai-chi on China's southeast coast. The earliest mention of Quan-feng-kuo in the Shanhaijing says that is the same as a place known as Dog Jung Country (Quan-jung-kuo) in the region of Shanxi and Shaanxi.

However, in his commentary on the Shanhaijing, Guo Pu says that the authors have confused the sounds of feng and jung, and that the Dog Fief/Altar Country is really somewhere off the Southeastern Sea.

Probably Guo Pu is thinking that another place mentioned in the Shanhaijing, the same location as the Fusang Tree is identifiable with Quan-feng-kuo. It is mentioned that in this area is the mountain Yeh-yao-kiun-ti, upon which the Fusang Tree stood, and also where the corpse of the god She-pi was located. The latter god is described as having a human face, with large dog ears and an animal body. He has two green serpents as ear onraments.

It was here that Di Jun, the father of the Ten Suns, became friends with "two birds" who ruled "two sacrificial mounds" that later became associated with the rites of Di Jun (Shun).

She-pi reminds us of the deity known as Hundun mentioned by Zhuang-zi, the earliest form of the pantheistic deity in China. The name Hundun contains the water radical and refers to something rolling or bobbing about in the water. It is related to the word wonton "dumpling." Zhuang-zi's relation places Hundun in the central, possibly equatorial, ocean where he is visited by the gods of the northern and southern seas. They are said to accidently kill Hundun when attempting to create orifices for the deity, which had no eyes, ears or other openings.

Hundun is a form of the cosmic egg, calabash, gourd, etc. floating on the ocean or connected with a great flood that is found in numerous myths especially in southern Asia and the Pacific.

In latter myths of Pangu, that god is said to spring from the corpse of Hundun, which was shaped like a dog. As noted before, the name Pangu is interchangeable with that of Panhu, the dog ancestor of the southern barbarian peoples in China. The "hu" character in Panhu's name means "gourd," thus strengthening the connection with Hundun, the cosmic gourd/egg/calabash. A seventh-century text says that when Panhu died his family was led to the corpse by the sound of crows, which might allude to the sun birds of Fusang. During the funeral, a piercing ritual is mentioned that recalls the piercing of Hundun by the gods of the northern and southern seas.

We have also seen that the name of the Dongyi leader Fu Hsi of Shandong, has characters indicating the dog-man theme combined with that of "sacrifice" or "sacrificer." This sage instituted the feng or mound/tumulus sacrifice at Mount Tai with Heaven facing to the South in the mound ritual. Here we can see a possible relationship with the feng of Quan-feng-kuo the Dog Altar Country, or the Dog Tumulus Country. Thus, the act of facing toward the south during the feng sacrifce at Mount Tai may equate to facing toward the Dog Feng Country.

Quite notable here is the lei sacrifice of the Qin and Han periods in which dog's flesh and rice are offered in a ritual involving a dismembered Shang-ti. The latter god is now fused with Tien, the god of Heaven always followed by his companion the Dog of Heaven, and in the ritual his dismembered body is regenerated. The dismemberment here recalls the disintegration of Hundun and/or Pangu, bringing about the creation of the world.

It was Di Jun who is said to have originated the lei sacrifice to Shang-ti, which we can connect also with the two sacrificial mounds mentioned by the Shanhaijing as located on the Fusang Tree mountain.

Also with reference to rice, we know that the dog ancestor Panhu was credited with the spread of rice agriculture, and this would agree with the south-to-north movement of rice agriculture from tropical Asia along the eastern coast of China with the Lungshanoid-Dongyi culture.

Although the Lungshanoid did not apparently practice dog burial like the Dawenkou before them, the Shang dynasty returned to this ritual. The oldest royal tomb in China, that of Shang Queen Fu Hao, contains ceremonial dog burials.

Kingdom of Women

The first mention of a kingdom of women in the Southeastern Sea occurs in the Huainanzi. Guo Pu, the Shanhaijing commentator, states that Panhu and his wife swam to a land across the sea and their progeny flourished there. Whenever a male is born in that kingdom, Guo Pu says, it is a dog, and every female is born as a woman.

Here starts a long series of Asian legends about a land of women and dog-men.

The account of the Buddhist monk Hui-Shen, despite its geographical divergence with other texts, states that the land of Fusang was inhabited by women "like those of China," and men with "human bodies, but dog's heads and barking voice."

In the many legends of the Kingdom of Women we often hear that they are impregnated by the wind or by bathing in a well or river. The wind theme brings us back to the name of the East Wind in the Dahuangjing which is "Jun," the same name as the progenitor of the Ten Suns in the Fusang Tree myth.

Pangu of Chinese mythology would equate to the Purusa or Prajapati of Indian belief. In each case we have a primordial deity who dies or is sacrificed and the dismembered body parts become hills, rivers, humans, animals, etc. i.e. the world.

While Pangu is linked with the dog in Chinese tradition, Indians equated Prajapati with the horse. The Asvamedha sacrifice, in which the horse is dismembered, is frequently compared to the cosmic sacrifice and disintegration of Purusa/Prajapati. The horse and horse-headed men/gods in India then are comparable to dogs and dog-headed men/gods in China.

If Pangu/Panhu can be linked with the Fusang Tree and the Ten Suns, then there is another point of comparison as the Vedic horse-headed deities, the Asvins, are the sons of the Sun. The Sun is even said to have taken the form of a horse in begetting the Maga people of Sakadvipa in the Milky Ocean.

The horse form is particularly associated with the East in Indian myth. The submarine horse's head is found in eastern oceans, and Visnu's form in the East is equine:


In Bhadrasva [eastern quarter] Lord Visnu is present in horse-headed form, O brahmin; in Ketumala [western quarter] as a boar, and in Bharata [India] he has the form of a tortoise; as Govinda in fish form Janardana is present among the Kurus [northern quarter].

-- Visnu Purana 2.2.50-1


The oldest sources, the Puranas and Varahamihira place Asvamukhadesa, or the Land of Horse-faced People in the Eastern Quarter, although a few latter sources place the land in the Himalayas or elsewhere.

The Asvamedha horse sacrifice appears to have originated from an earlier water buffalo sacrifice indicated in Harappan and Akkadian seal artifacts, but both may find their source in an earlier dog ritual.

At the beginning of the Asvamedha ceremony, the horse is led into a pond for ritual bathing, and a dog is also brought and forced to swim in the water at which time it is killed. The horse is envisioned in the Vedas as originating in the water or sea, and the swimming dog may allude to the canine's earlier position in the ritual.

A black "four-eyed" dog is used, which reminds us of the four-eyed dogs of Yama. The first horse used in an Asvamedha sacrifice was characterized as 'Yama's horse,' seemingly an allusion to a dog (or a buffalo). The sacrifical dog is also called in the Taitiriya Brahmana, the 'fraternal enemy' indicating some kinship between the dog and horse that eventually resulted in confrontation and the ascendancy of the latter in the brahminized system.

Dog rituals and magic

Chinese ethnologist Ling Shun-sheng found many comparable instances of dog sacrifice in the Pacific and in China.

In ancient Hawai'i, as in ancient China, the dog was associated with the male gender. Dog flesh was generally kapu (taboo) for women in Hawai'i, where it was classified as a male species. In the Dawenkou culture, dogs appear mainly in male burials, just as spindle whorls are associated with female burials.

Ancient Hawaiians often chose a puppy to raise together with a child, both suckled by the mother of the child. If the dog died, the child wore the teeth of the dog to protect against evil, if the child died first, the dog was sacrificed and buried with the child as a protector in the afterlife.

The use of dog teeth as protective (apotropaic) amulets usually worn as necklaces is attested to in numerous Pacific and Southeast Asian cultures. Such necklaces are particularly worn by children to protect against evil, sickness and ghosts.

Dog's teeth also served as a sort of currency and was especially used for bride-price purposes. In the Solomon Islands, for example, dog's teeth were the gold standard with one dog tooth equivalent to five dolphin teeth according to one source.

In the Philippines, a type of sorcerer-priest known as Asuang, Osuang, Aswang, etc. existed in pre-Hispanic times. The name of the sorcerer-priest is apparently derived from the native word asu "dog." Some have suggested it is a contraction of asu-asuan "one with dog characteristics" or "one with a dog-double."

The Asuang are often said to be able to change at will into animals, bats and birds, but most commonly dogs. Although "asuang" among Christianized Filipinos now denotes a type of witch, the early commentators usually describe the Asuang as male sorcerers. Jagor et al. and other sources state that the Asuang are found in Asuang families, probably indicating that the sorcerer-priethood was once hereditary with the priests having the 'blood of the asuang' or the 'blood of the asu.'

These sorcerers were closely connected with the tictic bird, which acted as a spy, helper and friend. The Asuang are also linked with the afterlife where they are said to dwell with the spirits of the ancestors. In some areas, the Asuang were propitiated to protect the ancestral spirits.

Children of Tala

In the Kapampangan legend of Tala as preserved by Mike Pangilinan, the culture hero-god can be seen as the progenitor of the dog-line, as I have suggested using local sources.

Dog messengers of the supreme god are found also in other regional myths. The barking of the dog Kimat in the form of thunder is said to relay the messages of the supreme Tinguian deity Kadaklan to the people. Kadaklan is also said to send Kimat in the form of lightning to strike evildoers.

One myth tells of how Kadaklan sends a spirit, almost certainly Kimat, to a woman for instruction on how to grow the rice plant. This mirrors the legend of Tala bringing rice agriculture to the people after a great flood.

An Igorot myth states that the god Lumauig sends his dog, or his dog and his deer, to bring fire to a boy and girl who have survived the great world flood.

These myths relate to a widespread Southeast Asian theme linking a dog with the great flood and the bringing of rice-planting and other cultural items.

In Bicol to the south of the Pampanga region, a local version of the dueling volcanoes myth pits the deity Gugurang of the Mayon volcano against his brother Asuang, the god of Mount Molinao, in the latter's attempt to steal Gugurang's volcanic fire.

Tala, the son of the rooster of Pinatubo and the serpent of Arayat, marries Mingan, whose name alludes to the newly-discovered rice agriculture, and begets the lineage of the dog -- the asu-asuan.

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

Related links


Dog as deity, ancestor and royal animal
Deluge, Gourd, Dog Husband
Interpretations of the Dog Husband Theme
Rajasuya , Sunahsepa and the Royal Dog
Single origin for domesticated dog in Southeast Asia and South China


References


Doniger, Wendy. Textual Sources for the Study of Hinduism, University of Chicago Press, 1990, p. 15.

Isabel Ongpin, Maria. Bone recoveries from the Obsidian Non Geometric Microlith Cultural Level, Lemery Archaeological Site, Manila: Ateneo de Manila University, 1981.

Liu, Chungshee Hsien. "The Dog-Ancestor Story of the Aboriginal Tribes of Southern China," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 62:361-368, 1932.

Raisor, Michelle Jeanette. Determining the antiquity of dog origins, http://txspace.tamu.edu/bitstream/1969.1/1214/1/etd-tamu-2003C-ANTH-Raisor-2.pdf, 2004.

Service, Robert F. "Pacific Archaeology: Rock Chemistry Traces Ancient Traders," Science 20 December 1996:Vol. 274. no. 5295, pp. 2012 - 2013.

Friday, March 24, 2006

Metallurgy, Southeast Asian (Glossary)

Southeast Asian metallurgy has been a source of controversy since the early dating of metal technology in places like Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha in Thailand.

Thermoluminescence dating of pottery associated with eight bronze bracelets discovered by N. Suthiragsa revealed dates between 5000 and 4500 BCE. Radiocarbon dating of separately excavated bronzes uncovered by C.F. Gorman and P. Charoenwongsa gave dates of about 3600 BCE.

Such early datings for bronze technology exceeded that found elsewhere in the world and caused much commotion when first revealed. Joyce White who worked on Gorman's sites after the latter's death, found that the early dates were not "archaeologically meaningful." Her "re-analysis" of the radiocarbon findings pushed the date forward to 2100 BCE, based on the explanation that the bronzes may have been 'cut down' to lower levels than their true age.

However, it must be said that prior to the startling early data, the excavators apparently saw no problem with the strata and approved tests. Also, White's reanalysis can only apply to the radiocarbon dates and not to the direct thermoluminescence findings.

Recent discoveries at Balobok Rockshelter in the southern Philippines have unearthed early Neolithic tools dated to 5340 BCE and a bronze adze from a layer at 3190 BCE.

Early finds from Thailand reveal the use of four metals in local bronze work: copper, tin, arsenic and lead. The last three metals, each combined with copper to make bronze, are found naturally together with copper ores at worked sites near Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha. So it would be rather simple for the blacksmith to accidentally or experimentally combine the metals and realize the superior resulting product.

Linguistic evidence

Probably even more controversial than the archaeological evidence is the suggestion by Robert Blust in 1976 that Proto-Austronesians dating from the period 5000 to 3000 BCE had a "knowledge of iron."

He states "the probability is small that a collection of unrelated bypotheses will provide a more plausible explanation of these facts than the single hypothesis that iron was known and worked at an early date, perhaps as early as Proto-Austronesian times." Although Blust in 1999 notes that words for metal do not necessarily require knowledge of metallurgy, we cannot dismiss the idea simply due to the negative archaeological evidence.

Iron was reconstructed as *bariS and further reconstructions were given for words such as "blacksmithing" and "anvil," the latter two terms restricted to Western Malayo-Polynesian. Using Solheim's chronology at least, this could fit well with the evidence of bronze at Balobok by 3190 BCE.

Admittedly though, no archaeological evidence has yet been found to support such an early iron-working hypothesis.

Fired pottery and the development of metallurgy

Evidence for pottery kilns predates that of metal working and it may be that the latter owes its existence to the former.

Hoabinhian culture in Vietnam began a process of firing clay pottery starting possibly as early as 10,000 BCE. At Shiweishan and Chenqiaocon near present-day Xiamen, clay pots were fired to about 680 degrees C. around 5000 BCE. At Ban Na Di in northern Thailand, pottery was fired to temperatures of 950 degrees C, and high-fired pots are associated with bronze finds near Hong Kong.

Early dates for high-fired pottery present development stages that could have led to experimentation with metal smelting.

Tools of the trade

Clay-lined furnaces were popular in the Southeast Asian region, and in some areas portable chimney furnaces were used.

Moulds were often made using the lost wax method in which a model of the desired object is first made with beeswax. The model is then covered with clay and baked, hardening the clay into a mould and melting the wax.

The magnificent Dong Son drums required a complex alternating clay and wax mould-making procedure that many believe required a trained full-time bronze specialist workforce.

Piston bellows

Although evidence of ancient bellows is lacking, in historical times, piston bellows have been the signature technology in Southeast Asian blacksmithing.

Piston bellows, the fire piston and the blowgun are related Southeast Asian technologies that rely on the principle of compressed air.


A sumpak (right) or fire piston of carabao horn and silver for lighting fires, and a kalikot (left) for grinding betel nuts made of ebony and silver, both from the Philippines and utilizing the principle of air compression. (Source: Conrado Benitez's History of the Philippines)

Possibly the blowgun was the first of these devices. In areas where no metal technology is present, the weapon is constructed from two strips of wood cemented together and wrapped with bark. Where metal is available, a metal rod is commonly used to bore through solid wood.

Frequent use of the blowgun will soon lead to the realization that the compressed air within the tube generates heat.

Piston bellows in Southeast Asia and Madagascar are made of bamboo or wooden tubes usually with feather-covered pistons on the end of a plunger. A "double-action" piston bellows normally involves two tubes worked alternately with each hand. As the plunger is pushed down the cylinder, the air is forced through a tube into the furnace. Upon reaching the end of the cylinder, the feathers collapse allowing the plunger to rise back without effort.

By working one piston at a time, a constant flow of air is introduced into the furnace.


Carving from Candi Sukuh in Java dating from the early to mid-1400s showing a smith forging a kris to the left, and a helper working a two-handed piston bellows to the right. (Sourc: http://www.nikhef.nl/~tonvr/keris/keris1/keris.html)

Development of the cannon

The earliest mention of possible military use of cannons may be that John de Plano Carpini who tells of a battle during the time of Genghis Khan, i.e., before 1227. The Mongol leader sent one of his sons to fight against Prester John, the king of "Greater India," a location which as we discuss in his blog is rather vague.


From thence the Mongol army marched to fight against the Christians dwelling in the greater India, and the king of that country, known by the name of Prester John, came forth with his army against them. This prince caused a number of hollow copper figures to be made, resembling men, which were stuffed with combustibles, and set upon horses, each having a man behind on the horse, with a pair of bellows to stir up the fire. When approaching to give battle, these mounted images were first sent forwards against the enemy, and the men who rode behind set fire by some means to the combustibles, and blew strongly with their bellows: and the Mongol men and horses were burnt with wildfire, and the air was darkened with smoke.


--- The Travels of John de Plano Carpini and other Friars, sent about the year 1246, as ambassadors from Pope Innocent IV, to the great Khan of the Moguls or Tartars


Some scholars have speculated that the hollow figures stuffed with combustibles might refer to small portable swivel guns like the lantaka.

Another possibility is something similar to the modern sumpak made by village smiths in the Philippines. The sumpak has the same name as the earlier fire piston and is similar in design relying on air compression using a plunger to ignite a shotgun-like shell. The age of this design is questionable but it makes sense that early cannons could have been derived from the fire piston. Both fires pistons and piston bellows were found in Madagascar but not the cannon, so the former are probably earlier inventions.

It is known that the Chinese had early knowledge of gunpowder and cannon-like devices. The medieval Arabs knew of saltpeter, the most important ingredient in gunpowder, as "Chinese snow," while the Persians called it "Chinese salt." According to Needham, the oldest cannon artifact is a bronze bombard at the Peking Historical Museum dated by inscription to 1332.

However, there is significant difference in the methods used by the Chinese to obtain saltpeter, as compared with those found in Southeast Asia.

In China, saltpeter is found on certain nitrogen-rich soils where winds from Eurasia helped dry decomposing organic material. In many areas, saltpeter crystallized on the soil surface especially during winter. The Chinese method was to inject urine into such soils to enhance the saltpeter formation.

Such methods were followed by the Arabs and Europeans. In Europe, beds of manure and other decomposing materials, were mixed with soil and ash and charged with urine.

Southeast Asians, on the other hand, appear to have used guano as their main source of saltpeter in contrast to the Chinese methods.


"This island [Mindanao], like the rest, is lacking in saltpetre, but the fault is remedied from the deposits of the giant bats (Murcielagos) which congregate in dark caves where they deposit an abundance of excrement which is made a substitute for saltpetre: and to this end there follows the labor necessary to extract the elements required for the manufacture of gunpowder, which is one of the most important needs of the islands. But although they succeed, the quality is not as quick on account of the moisture nor as powerful as ours. The matter of its manufacture has been brought to the notice of his Majesty as being more expensive and impracticable for the needs of the government."

(Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, by P. Francisco Combes, 1645, abridged translation. Original Spanish: "Falta en esta Isla el salitre, como en las demas deste Archipelago; pero suple su falta el Mindanao con otra mina que dio la naturaleza en unas grutas, y cueuas grandes, guarida de los murciegalos, que los ay mayores que una gallina, y en numero inmenso, que a no ser negras auroras de la noche, pudieran introduzirla en lon mejor del dia, segun assombra los ayres su multitud, ocupando muchas horas su negro exercito en la mancha, que a puestas del Sol ordena en busca del sustento. Estos como enemigos de la luz se acogen de dia al assilo de last tinieblas, que reynan en las grutas, con que les dexan abundancia de exrementos, los quales beneficiados se sustituyen al salitre; y al fin llega a conseguir el trabajo industrioso los ingredientes necessarios para la poluora, que es le mayor necessidad destas islas. Pero aunque salen con ella, ni es tan prompta, por ser naturalmente mas humeda, ni tiene la violencia que la nuestra. Por lo que, aunque muchos han presentado este arbitrio a su Magestad, nunca se ha aceptado, por ser de poco efecto, y de mayor gasto que el ordinario, y practiable para pocas cantidades, y no para la grandeze de los abastos Reales.")

"The process of manufacturing saltpetre and gunpowder will demand a short account. Saltpetre is obtained by boiling the soil of caves frequented by bats and by birds, chiefly swallows. This soil is decomposed dung of these animals, which commonly fills the bottom of the caves to the depth of from four to six feet."

(History of the Indian Archipelago : containing an account of the manners, arts, languages, religions, institutions, and commerce of its inhabitants, by John Crawford, 1820)


Nowhere in his vast work does Needham mention the use of guano, bat or bird dung, in making saltpeter.

Interestingly, guano, sulfur and charcoal, the three ingredients used in manufacturing gunpowder, occur naturally where volcanoes coincide with caves for bats and swallows. Such areas are, in fact, quite common in Southeast Asia.

In Medieval Technology and Social Change Lynn White, suggests that the cannon was developed through the concept of the blowgun imported by Arabs from Southeast Asia.

She states that Tamil sungutan and Malayalam tumbitan, both meaning "blowgun" are derived from the sumpitan "blowgun" of Insular Southeast Asia.

The Arabic zabatana and zabtaniya "blowgun" are traced to the
same source, and these also became names for the Arab arquebus.

From the Arabic derives the Italian name for blowgun, cerbottana, which by 1440 also is the name of a long-barrelled, small-bore cannon.

Lantakas

European explorers found excellent weapons known as lantakas used in Southeast Asia in the late 1400s and early 1500s. Mounted on a swivel yoke, the portable lantaka was most often suspended on stirrups attached to the rail of a ship. The setup allowed for recoil and quick, versatile aiming.

Most lantakas were made of bronze and the earliest ones were breech-loaded. During colonial times, there was a trend toward muzzle-loaded weapons. Europeans hired local smiths and also cast their own lantakas for use on their ships. The most impressive were the large double-barrelled lantakas. Small cannonballs or grape shot were fired from these weapons.


Double-barrelled lantaka from the Museo d'Arte Orientale. (Source: http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=137)


Lantaka with swivel mount clearly displayed. (Source: http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/printthread.php?t=88)



Larger culverin-like weapons, often made of iron, were also cast like the 17-foot cannon of Manila's Rajah Soliman. An indigenous type of arquebus, sometimes made of copper, is also frequently mentioned.

Despite the high-quality of their weapons, most kingdoms in Southeast Asia at the start of the colonial period had only small inventories. Problems procuring iron, and long rituals involved in producing weapons will be discussed below. Tome Pires was impressed with the artillery and firearms possessed by the Vietnamese empire, and their skill in using these weapons. However, even here Vietnam was forced to import most of its saltpeter and sulfur from places like Solor in eastern Indonesia.

As most of Southeast Asia lacked dry season winds such as those found in India and China, guano tended to be very moist compared to that found in Peru and other locations. The process of extracting saltpeter from guano thus was lengthy and expensive.

Iron technology and the Kris

The oldest dates for iron in Southeast Asia are from Ban Chiang going back to 1600 BCE. Again these are a source of controversy like the bronze datings.

Other early dates for iron can be found at Sa-Huynh sites in Vietnam.

Meteoric iron may have been preferred because of its supposed spiritual qualities as a 'heavenly metal.' The taste for meteoric iron may have even hurt local iron mining efforts. When Europeans came to the Philippines iron was valued higher than gold or silver, although they were well aware of the prices for these metals in other countries.

Kris manufacture throughout Southeast Asia involved the heavy use of meteoric metals. The kris was first and foremost a spiritual and ritual amulet as much as a battlefield weapon. The early high quality armament of the Shang dynasty in China was also made of meteoric metal.

Alternating "soft" and "hard" layers were folded in making the kris, with the hard layers involving iron, nickel and titanium, at least one of which and preferably all of meteoric origin. The soft layers were made of ordinary iron. Many modern kris makers (empu) however, use industrial metals to make their weapons.


The Wonotirto meteorite of 2001 in Java was found to have a high titanium content. X-ray fluoresence testing indicated that the stone was primarily titanium mixed with nickel, manganese and iron. (Source: http://ww.indomedia.com/)

A high quality kris involves hundreds of laminations, and the best quality might involve thousands of layers.

While some kris may be highly-polished, the more characteristic technique is to create a rough finish known as a pamur. The kris is described as a three-edged weapon with the rough pamur side complementing the normal edges. An empu will often make cuttings to expose veins, considered to have special spiritual power.

After a bit of polishing, acidic solutions, including lime and arsenic, are used to pickle the blade to help prevent rusting. The arsenic blackens the iron and steel allowing the nickel and other impurities to shine through and give the pamur appearance. Etchings are also made using arsenic. The kris is then dryed over charcoal and incense and finally lubricated with scented oils.


The pamur of the kris is clearly displayed in this image. (Source: www.aagaines.com/man/kris1.html)


Source: http://www.arco-iris.com/George/indonesia.htm



Sacred smith

The smith has been studied in world cultures and most often the position is either highly-regarded or despised. In some cases, castes and taboos arise with particular reference to the blacksmith.

In India, for example, metal-working is most closely associated with the tribal peoples, particularly those of the Vindhyas. Iron is considered the metal of the sudras, or lowest caste, while copper was assigned to the highest caste brahmins.

Iron tools were forbidden in Ancient Greek temples, and the Roman priests of Jupiter used bronze and avoided iron tools for cutting their hair and nails. This prohibition was passed on to the Frankish kings.

African society is nearly divided between pastoral peoples, particularly those who ride the horse, who hold the blacksmith as a pariah caste, and settled agricultural people who elevate the smith to nobility, priesthood and royalty.

Turko-Mongol peoples generally revered the blacksmith and two of their greatest heroes Temujin (Genghis Khan) and Timur both had names derived from the word for "blacksmith." The Ghuz Turks in particular where considered practically a blacksmithing people en masse at one time.

On the other hand, from Nepal to Tibet the blacksmith generally has the same low position as in India.

"Blacksmith" itself denotes a low status, and in medieval Europe the work was often assigned to semi-nomadic Gypsies.

Southeast Asian cultures generally fall into the category of cultures that revered blacksmiths, and placed iron very high if not at the top of the metal hierarchy. In old Java, the terms empu or kyai "lord, master" referred specifically only to the iron smith or later to the weapons-maker.

A prince who was not in the line of succession could favorably consider becoming a blacksmith in the region from Java to Mindanao in old-time culture.

Blacksmith shops acted also as communal meeting places and even temples, and the blacksmith often held an hereditary chiefly position in the community. Only the high nobility maintained their genealogies as carefully as the blacksmith.

Because the weapons of the smith were often considered also as sacred heirlooms and at times even the domains of one's ancestors, the forging process was particularly painstaking in detail. The master smith awaited special astrological conjunctions and signs to undertake each stage of the weapon-making process.

In some cases, a very precious kris could take many years or even the entire lifetime of the smith to complete.




A Maranao sultan's betel box with silver applique (above). Below is a betel box with silver inlay and strap. The Maranao were skilled silver and goldsmiths and even practiced their own indigenous form of dentistry. Gold teeth were implanted by cutting away the tooth, allowing the pulp to dry, and placing a silver core in the cleaned socket. A gold exterior was welded to the silver nail.(Source: http://www.lasieexotique.com/mag_betel.html)

Regards,
Paul Kekai Manansala
Sacramento

References

Blust, Robert A. "Linguistics versus archaeology : early Austronesian terms for metals," Archaeology and Language, 1999, pp. 127-143.

Combes, Francisco. Historia de Mindanao y Joló: por el p. Francisco Combés ... Obra publicada en Madrid en 1667, y que ahora con la colaboración del p. Pablo Pastells ... sanca nuevamente á luz W. E. Retana, Madrid: Viuda de M. Minuesa de los Ríos, 1897.

Higham, Charles. The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

___. The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Kerr, Robert. General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels: Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time, W. Blackwood and T. Cadell, 1824.

Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China Volume V Part 2 Chemistry and Chemical Technology..., Oxford University Press, 1974.